From Sunday’s print edition:
Bill Brady finds himself standing in a harsher light
Downstate conservative coming to grips with new role as GOP’s nominee for governor
By Rick Pearson, Tribune reporter
In the month since Republicans voted on a nominee for governor, veteran
state Sen. Bill Brady said he’s come to realize his role in the GOP has
been elevated far beyond serving as just another state lawmaker
representing a central Illinois district.
Election officials declared Brady the official Republican nominee for
governor Friday by a 193-vote margin over Senate colleague Kirk
Dillard. But Brady’s political moves in the last week portrayed a man
who’s still coming to grips with his role as the Republican
standard-bearer in a fight to end Democratic dominance of state
government.
Brady has proposed banning same-sex marriages and civil unions and
loosening restrictions on discrimination based on gender or sexual
identity — issues that play well with his conservative base but don’t
sell well in Illinois’ moderate middle. The Bloomington lawmaker also
tried to help a local veterinarian by sponsoring a bill allowing mass
euthanasia of dogs and cats, which typically involves gassing the
animals.
Sensing he may have created a flashpoint for a November campaign barely
off the ground, Brady removed his name from the proposals and handed
them to a colleague.
"I have taken on a different role from where I was, and I want to do
what I can to eliminate the Democrats’ ability to distract voters from
the real issues facing Illinois," Brady explained.
But that awareness alone didn’t insulate Brady from the harsh glow of
the statewide limelight when he tried to attack Democratic Gov. Pat
Quinn’s ill-fated and unannounced program to release prison inmates
early. Brady contended a man released early from prison had been
accused of murder, but didn’t check available records or contact local
prosecutors. Records showed the man was not part of the failed Quinn
program and had been released under the provisions of current law.
"This gentleman committed murder in Sangamon County," Brady stated.
Asked by reporters how he could say the man was a murderer when he had
not been tried or convicted, Brady said, "Maybe the governor wants to
wait until someone’s convicted. I don’t."
Such missteps come at a critical time for a candidate who has spent
nearly 17 years in the state legislature but needs to quickly introduce
himself to voters in the populous Chicago metropolitan area before
Quinn does it for him. In many ways, the stage is set for a contest
between two major party contenders who could not be farther apart
ideologically or geographically.
Brady, a real estate developer with several other financial interests,
represents the keep-government-out-of-my-business conservatism that
emanates from his legislative district. He is a staunch fiscal and
social conservative who is as opposed to tax increases as he is
abortion rights.
Quinn, the longtime Chicago populist who was elevated to the governor’s
office more than a year ago after the impeachment of Rod Blagojevich,
has long attached himself to liberal causes, including universal health
care. But Quinn has struggled to accomplish his public policy goals,
manage an overwhelming state budget deficit and persuade lawmakers to
support his proposals for tax increases.
"Each party has now nominated the candidate the other party most wanted
to run against," said David Yepsen, director of the Paul Simon Public
Policy Institute at Southern Illinois University at Carbondale.
Brady has survived a close primary before, winning the GOP nomination
for the Illinois House by 8 votes in 1992. He lost a bid for the
Republican nomination for Congress in 2000 and was appointed to the
state Senate in 2002 where he has served ever since.
During his congressional run, Brady acknowledged he had a long-term
goal of becoming Illinois governor. He was the third-place finisher in
the 2006 GOP governor primary. He secured February’s race by winning
the less-populous counties in a free-for-all that featured six other
candidates, all from the Chicago area.
He backs limits on damages awarded in civil lawsuits, supports tuition
tax credits for parents of private school students and has proposed
cuts in taxes and other tax credits to help spur job growth.
Brady also has opposed some government transparency efforts, including
requiring campaign contributors to list their occupations, and he said
adopting detailed federal-style statements of economic interest for
public officials would be "a little bit of an overreaction."
After a primary election contest in which Democrats and Republicans
focused largely on the state’s miserable financial shape and huge
budget hole, it may be the candidates’ positions on social policies
that will decide the votes of independent and middle-of-the-road voters
— including suburban women —who are the key to winning.
Brady, 48, is married with three children. His social conservatism is
rooted in his Roman Catholic faith and upbringing. He supports a ban on
abortion, including in cases of rape and incest, with an exception only
when the mother’s life is at stake.
In keeping with the wishes of the insurance industry — his hometown’s
largest private employer is State Farm Insurance Cos. — Brady has
fought against government mandates for broader insurance coverage,
including mammograms for women and longer hospital stays for postpartum
mothers.
Brady has supported bringing religion into public classrooms "through
the principles of the Founding Fathers’ design" and also believes local
school boards should be able to order the teaching of creationism.
By contrast, Quinn’s positions on social issues fall to the left. He
backs public funding of abortions, supports Chicago’s ban on handgun
possession and favors civil unions for same-sex couples, saying that
full marriage equality probably wouldn’t get through the legislature.
Quinn disputes Brady’s contention that his conservative positions are "mainstream."
"In the past, his voting record has shown that he has been very extreme
when it comes to taking on issues protecting everyday people," Quinn
said.
If general election contests represent a time for candidates to move to
the center to secure the votes of independents, Brady may have a
farther drive.
"At a time when Illinois could really use an uplifting campaign that
talks about issues and solutions and options and new directions, we’re
going to get a debate over killing puppies," Yepsen said.
Brady said he believes differences with voters over his stance on
social issues could be countered by a campaign "primarily focused on
the economic issue" of Quinn’s governance and push for higher taxes.
"That’s the most important question on people’s minds: Who’s got the
leadership and competence to govern this state?" Brady said. "I don’t
think there’s any question given Quinn’s extreme position on a 50
percent tax increase as opposed to someone who wants to reduce the tax
burden."
But while Quinn survived an intense one-on-one primary fight, Brady’s strategy has yet to be tested.
"Quinn has taken every hit anybody can throw and survived, while Brady has yet to take a real punch," Yepsen said.