Author: Robert Bradley

  • IER/AEA: A Free Market Energy Organization

    In his recent Huffington Post piece, Elliott Negin of the Union of Concerned Scientists portrays the Institute for Energy Research (IER) and its advocacy arm, the American Energy Alliance (AEA), as “a front organization for the oil and gas …

  • New Obama, Old Carter

    Proposals for federal energy planning are old and stale—and perennially misguided.

    Last week, President Obama proposed a $2 billion Energy Security Trust to “shift our cars and trucks off oil” to “break this cycle of spiking gas prices.” The $200-million, …

  • Dow Chemical (et al) vs. LNG Exports: An Embarrassment for Business

    “Some molecules are painted with a no export sign. Other molecules are painted with the OK to export sign, and there doesn’t seem to be any rhyme or reason as to why some molecules are OK and some aren’t.”

    – …

  • Does the U.S. need a National Energy Board?

    John Hofmeister, formerly president of Houston-based Shell Oil (the U.S. side of Royal Dutch Shell), has been an active voice for energy policy reform. Upon retiring from Shell in 2008, he founded Citizens for Affordable Energy (CAE), an educational nonprofit  advocating “sound U.S. energy security solutions for the nation, including a range of affordable energy supplies, efficiency improvements, essential infrastructure, sustainable environmental policies and public education on energy issues.”

    Hofmeister identifies current energy policy as disjointed and broken, the result of “13 executive branch agencies govern[ing] energy and the environment … 26 congressional committees and subcommittees writing legislation on energy … [and] every federal district court hav[ing] authority to delay and ultimately prevent citizens from having the energy they need.”

    “By 2020,” he warned in 2010, “there will be inadequate supplies of liquid fuels and electricity taking the nation toward inevitable gas lines, brown-outs, black-outs and extraordinary high prices.” This “energy abyss will stick around for up to a full decade with all of the national insecurity, economic decline, joblessness and social malaise that accompanies energy shortages in third-world countries.”

    Hofmeister’s solution to avoid the 2020–2030 chasm is to rapidly produce much more energy from new infrastructure. His means is a new federal authority, a national energy board (NEB), to expedite government permits on public and private lands. His model is the Federal Reserve Board of Governors (est. 1913) under which independent appointees run the agency rather than elected officials.

    Something-for-Everyone Politics

    In search of broad public support, Hofmeister’s supply-side strategy mixes pro-development and all-of-the-above. Yet he still plays to the center. He is pro-fossil fuels but disparages “drill, baby, drill.” He questions the scale and reliability of wind and solar power but believes we need government-enabled energies. His energy plan can be boiled down to you-get-yours, we-get-ours. [i]

    Hofmeister’s something for everyone—and thus special favor for politically-correct, economically-incorrect energies—will only exacerbate federal budget deficits and burden consumers. It is a recipe for continued politicization, not fundamental reform.

    His (age-old) quest to centralize government for greater efficiency must confront history. In 1977, the Department of Energy was founded by President Carter to consolidate “most Federal energy activities under one umbrella” to create “the framework for a comprehensive and balanced national energy plan.” DOE’s mission creep and bad decision-making in the last 35 years have added to, not subtracted from, energy challenges. [ii]

    Fundamentally, what is to stop a NEB from supporting an energy rationing scheme, say a carbon tax or CO2 cap-and-trade program, to “save” the climate” or “level the playing field” for wind, solar, and other beggar energies? Hofmeister might oppose such programs, but a NEB is “independent” to do so. Anti-energy forces such as the “green lobby” and current Washington establishment will not surrender or retreat but likely become emboldened by centralized power in a national energy board.

    Federal Reserve Model

    Consider the policies of the Federal Reserve Bank itself. Milton Friedman, studying the Fed’s actions before and during the Great Depression, observed:

    Mistakes, excusable or not, cannot be avoided in a system which disperses responsibility yet gives a few men great power, and which thereby makes important policy actions highly dependent on accidents of personality.[iii]

    After reviewing recent Fed policy, Jeffrey Rogers Hummel called “central banking … the new central planning” via manipulation of the most important price in the whole economy, interest rates.[iv]

    Hofmeister’s analogy of a NEB modeled on the Federal Reserve Board of Governors is peculiar. The Fed has a legal monopoly over its product (legal tender) and has presided over the very booms and busts it was created to prevent. The energy industry is privately owned, is competitive, and needs less, not more, politics to dampen its business cycle.[v]

    Hydraulic Fracturing

    Finally, consider today’s real energy revolution, much of which has occurred since Hofmeister’s 2010 speech. Hydraulic fracturing and directional drilling on private and state lands has opened up vast energy resources. Instead of having inadequate supplies of liquid fuels by 2020, the United States will surpass Saudi Arabia and Russia this year as the world’s largest producer of liquid fuels.

    This turnaround in domestic liquid fuel production didn’t happen because of an enlightened board, but because of entrepreneurs. And, in fact, an NEB might have become a more effective battleground for anti-frac forces to stymie natural market incentives.

    Still, Hofmeister’s concern about all of the red tape on federal lands is accurate. The frac revolution isn’t happening on federal land but on private and state land from red tape. Indeed, the federal government takes 307 days to process a permit to drill compared to 27 days in Colorado and 10 days in North Dakota. State governments understand that energy production and environmental production can co-exist.

    Time-required-to-drill-1-sm

    Conclusion

    “If there is any lesson in the history of ideas,” stated Thomas Sowell, “it is that good intentions tell you nothing about the actual consequences.” An NEB cannot insulate the market from government. And our age, it could fast-track statism in the name of stabilizing climate or balancing the budget. History, in fact, cautions against centralizing government power.[vi]

    In place of simplistic, lowest-common-denominator thinking, John Hofmeister and Citizens for Affordable Energy should educate people about the need for depoliticizing energy. As the example of hydraulic fracturing demonstrates, the United States does not need a national energy board, a national energy plan, or an all-of-the-above energy policy.

    A new message from Hofmeister, anchored on sound theory and energy reality, is needed to help replace anti-energy ideology with pro-energy, pro-market thinking outside and inside government.



    [i] Hofmeister (“Straight Talk from An Insider,” OTC 2010 Newsletter, May 4, 2010, p. 3) complains about “an aging infrastructure, decades of restrictions on drilling, failure to tackle the obstacles that prevent both more nuclear plant and clean coal plant projects, frittering at the edges of renewable energy” as if economics did not require choices

    [ii] During the Reagan Administration, voices within the industry proposed to create a cabinet-level Council on Energy Mobilization to fast-track permits for major non-nuclear energy projects. The Energy Mobilization Act of 1981 died in committee, however. See Bradley, Edison to Enron: Energy Markets and Political Strategies (2011), pp. 343, 518.

    [iii] Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom (University of Chicago Press: 1962), p. 50.

    [iv] Jeffrey Rogers Hummel, “The Federal Reserve’s Emergence as the U.S. Economy’s Central Planner,” The Independent Review, v. 15, n. 4, Spring 2011, pp. 485–518, at 512.

    [v] Another issue with Hofmeister’s analogy concerns transparency. The Federal Reserve establishment, including current chairman Ben Bernanke, opposes the Federal Reserve Transparency Act.

    [vi] Before the 1970s, U.S. energy bureaucracies have expanded government in the name of efficiency and streamlining: The U.S. Fuel Administration during World War I; the New Deal’s “Oil Code” under the National Industrial Recovery Act of 1933; the Petroleum Administration for War during World War II; and the Petroleum Administration for Defense during the Korean Conflict.

  • 150 Years ago, Scholars Knew the Need of Dense, Not Intermittent, Energy

    W. S. Jevons classic book The Coal Question (1865) explained how coal (and by implication, gas and oil) were uniquely suited for—and indeed, prerequisites for—the machine age. His insights are even more applicable to today’s ultra-reliable, always-on energy requirements than when he first made them nearly 150 years ago. Indeed, it is hard to imagine an Industrial Revolution without reliable energy, and harder to imagine today’s world without plentiful, reliable, affordable energy.

    In the mid-1800s, the world was shifting away from scarce, often unreliable biomass, wind, and hydro energy toward more reliable coal. “[T]he economy of power … consists in withdrawing and using our small fraction of force in a happy mode and moment,” said Jevons in his 1865 classic. With fossil fuels, the unreliability of wind power and water flow was overcome. “The first great requisite of motive power is, that it shall be wholly at our command, to be exerted when, and where, and in what degree we desire,” Jevons explained. “The wind, for instance, as a direct motive power, is wholly inapplicable to a system of machine labour, for during a calm season the whole business of the country would be thrown out of gear.”

    But even if wind were consistent and storable, it was still too little from too much. Jevons explained:

    No possible concentration of windmills … would supply the force required in large factories or iron works. An ordinary windmill has the power of about thirty-four men, or at most seven horses. Many ordinary factories would therefore require ten windmills to drive them, and the great Dowlais Ironworks, employing a total engine power of 7,308 horses, would require no less than 1,000 large windmills!

    Biomass was no escape: “We cannot revert to timber fuel, for ‘nearly the entire surface of our island would be required to grow timber sufficient for the consumption of the iron manufacture alone.’” Neither was geothermal: “The internal heat of the earth … presents an immense store of force, but, being manifested only in the hot-spring, the volcano, or the warm mine, it is evidently not available.”

    Water power had reliability problems compared to coal and locational issues as well. Explained Jevons in 1865:

    When an abundant natural fall of water is at hand, nothing can be cheaper or better than water power. But everything depends upon local circumstances. The occasional mountain torrent is simply destructive. Many streams and rivers only contain sufficient water half the year round and costly reservoirs alone could keep up the summer supply. In flat countries no engineering art could procure any considerable supply of natural water power, and in very few places do we find water power free from occasional failure by drought.

    Furthermore,

    The necessity … of carrying the work to the power, not the power to the work, is a disadvantage in water power, and wholly prevents that concentration of works in one neighbourhood which is highly advantageous to the perfection of our mechanical system. Even the cost of conveying materials often overbalances the cheapness of water power.

    The California/Western U.S. electricity shortages of 2000/2001 was exacerbated by a bad water (hydroelectric) year, a reminder that nature can giveth or taketh away.

    Jevons’s energy-by-energy analysis is as true today as it was when penned in 1865 (just add oil and gas to Jevons’s example.). Coal could be burned continuously and evenly, avoiding the intermittency of wind or sunshine. Coal did not depend on the season or on a weather condition, as did water flow. Coal was storable and transportable. Coal production and combustion needed far less surface area than would a similar amount of renewables. In short, there could not be a return to the chancy, inflexible, dilute energies of the past—which were, ironically, all renewable from a physical viewpoint.

    And today, nearly 150 years later, Jevons’s England—and Europe more generally—is experiencing a coal boom, in part to make intermittent, politically correct-and-subsidized windpower whole to be part of the electricity mix.

    William Stanley Jevons was the first intellectual to question the ability of renewables to serve as primary energies for industrial society. The deep, thorough insight of the father of energy economics remains relevant today.


    Reference: Robert Bradley, Edison to Enron: Energy Markets and Political Strategies (Scrivener/Wiley: 2011), pp. 485–88.