{"id":276936,"date":"2010-02-03T21:11:58","date_gmt":"2010-02-04T02:11:58","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/opiniojuris.org\/?p=11158"},"modified":"2010-02-03T21:11:58","modified_gmt":"2010-02-04T02:11:58","slug":"the-pushback-against-the-appeals-chamber-begins","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mereja.media\/index\/276936","title":{"rendered":"The Pushback Against the Appeals Chamber Begins"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong><em>by Kevin Jon Heller <\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>I intend to closely follow the reactions to the Appeals Chamber&#8217;s decision on the genocide charges against Bashir.\u00a0 The pushback has already begun in a predictable place: the <em>Making Sense of Darfur<\/em> blog, which has led the charge against the arrest warrant. The post itself, in which<a  href=\"http:\/\/blogs.ssrc.org\/sudan\/2010\/02\/03\/what-is-the-icc-after\/\"> David Barsoum asks<\/a> &#8220;what is the ICC really after in Sudan?&#8221;, is not particularly noteworthy, because the answer is straightforward: accountability for a mass murderer who has done everything he could for nearly two decades to prevent any kind of peace that would threaten his regime.\u00a0 More interesting &#8212; and more troubling &#8212; is Alex de Waal&#8217;s comment to Barsoum&#8217;s post.\u00a0 He writes:<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>This episode at the ICC is somewhat bizarre. In March last year, the  pre-trial chamber issued the arrest warrant that the Prosecutor had  requested. This made Pres. Bashir into a fugitive from justice. The  crimes for which he is charged are no less heinous than genocide. Any  additional charges added subsequently make absolutely no difference to  that reality. The Prosecutor\u2019s decision to appeal against the exclusion  of the genocide charges, while perfectly permissible in law, served only  the purpose of satisfying the personal or political ambition of the  Prosecutor. If the ICC ever succeeds in getting Pres. Bashir in Court,  the Prosecutor can then add whatever charges he believes are warranted  by the evidence. Insisting on them at this stage is a political act.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>None of Alex&#8217;s claims are compelling.\u00a0 First, it is difficult to seriously maintain that there is no difference between charging someone with crimes against humanity and genocide.\u00a0 There may be no difference in terms of the maximum possible sentence, but it clear that genocide is viewed as far more serious than even the crime against humanity of extermination.\u00a0 That&#8217;s why Raphael Lemkin coined the term &#8220;genocide.&#8221;\u00a0 That&#8217;s why we have a Genocide Convention.\u00a0 That&#8217;s why activists and scholars and governments put so much energy into ensuring that various situations &#8212; Saddam&#8217;s gassing of the Kurds, the Khmer Rouge&#8217;s &#8220;auto-genocide,&#8221; China&#8217;s treatment of Tibet, Australia&#8217;s treatment of aboriginals, etc. &#8212; are (or are not) labeled genocide instead of &#8220;mere&#8221; crimes against humanity.\u00a0 Perhaps it is regrettable that we rank international crimes, but there is no question that we do.\u00a0 Indeed, if Alex genuinely believed there was no difference between genocide and crimes against humanity, he would not have spent so much time and energy over the past year attempting to rebut the claim that Bashir committed genocide.\u00a0 He admits that Bashir committed crimes against humanity on a massive scale, so if there is no difference, why bother to oppose describing the situation in Darfur as genocidal?<\/p>\n<p>(There is, of course, an important theoretical justification for viewing genocide as more serious.\u00a0 The identity of the victims is irrelevant in the crime against humanity of extermination; any mass killing will suffice.\u00a0 In genocide, by contrast, the victims are singled out for extermination because they are members of a particular racial, ethnic, religious, or national group.\u00a0 Genocide is thus more serious than extermination in two ways: (1) the crime threatens the existence of a particular protected group, a result that would reduce human diversity; and (2) the victims are specifically targeted for extermination by the perpetrator, a more culpable mental state than the one required by extermination, which is simply the intent to kill.)<\/p>\n<p>Alex&#8217;s second claim &#8212; that the decision to appeal the Pre-Trial Chamber&#8217;s decision on the genocide charges &#8220;served only the purpose of satisfying the personal or political ambition of the Prosecutor&#8221; &#8212; is simply incorrect.\u00a0 The Pre-Trial Chamber completely misunderstood Article 58&#8217;s &#8220;reasonable grounds&#8221; standard, leading it to wrongly exclude the charges.\u00a0 Whatever one thinks of the genocide charges against Bashir &#8212; and Moreno-Ocampo is far from the only person who supports them &#8212; the OTP could not permit the Pre-Trial Chamber&#8217;s flawed standard to go unchallenged, because it would have almost certainly come back to haunt the office in <em>other<\/em> cases involving <em>different<\/em> charges.\u00a0 As the Appeals Chamber noted in its decision (para. 33), &#8220;requiring that the existence of genocidal intent must be the only reasonable conclusion amounts to requiring the Prosecutor to disprove any other reasonable conclusions and to eliminate any reasonable doubt.&#8221;\u00a0 In other words, the Pre-Trial Chamber effectively converted the &#8220;reasonable grounds&#8221;  requirement into a requirement of &#8220;proof beyond a reasonable doubt,&#8221; the  standard that applies at trial, not at the arrest warrant stage.\u00a0 That erroneous interpretation of &#8220;reasonable grounds&#8221; was not limited to the Bashir case or to the genocide charges; it represented the Pre-Trial Chamber&#8217;s first sustained interpretation of Article 58.\u00a0 The OTP thus <em>had<\/em> to challenge it.<\/p>\n<p>That explanation of the OTP&#8217;s decision to appeal helps rebut Alex&#8217;s third claim, which is that we can conclude that the decision was a &#8220;political act,&#8221; because &#8220;[i]f the ICC ever succeeds in getting Pres. Bashir in Court,  the Prosecutor can then add whatever charges he believes are warranted  by the evidence.&#8221;\u00a0 Adding the genocide charges later would not address the mischief created by the Pre-Trial Chamber&#8217;s erroneous interpretation of Article 58.\u00a0 Moreover, seeking to amend the arrest warrant is far more fair to Bashir (or to any defendant in like circumstances) than waiting until the confirmation of charges hearing, because it puts him on notice now &#8212; not months or years from now &#8212; that he will be facing genocide charges.\u00a0 Bashir is going to be a fugitive from justice either way, so isn&#8217;t it better for all the charges to be on the table as early as possible?\u00a0 I can only imagine the outcry from Bashir supporters and defense attorneys (including me) if the OTP had never mentioned genocide charges until Bashir was standing in front of the Pre-Trial Chamber!<\/p>\n<p>Critics of the ICC often claim that the Court pays insufficient attention to politics.\u00a0 I think it&#8217;s safe to say that most of those critics pay insufficient attention to law.<\/p>\n<p>UPDATE: At his <a  href=\"http:\/\/humanrightsdoctorate.blogspot.com\/2010\/02\/nice-work-if-you-can-get-it.html\">NUI-Galway blog<\/a>, Bill Schabas, one of the great ICL scholars, goes even further than Alex, writing that &#8220;This is all much ado about nothing. Given the close overlap between  genocide and crimes against humanity, even with the existing arrest  warrant the Prosecutor would be unconstrained in producing relevant  evidence that might lead to a conclusion that genocide was taking place.  The judges would be relatively free to add a conviction for genocide,  if they thought it appropriate.&#8221;\u00a0 I have to respectfully disagree.\u00a0 I think it would be a terrible prosecution strategy to adduce evidence that supports a conviction for genocide during trial and then hope that the Trial Chamber enters a conviction for genocide even though it wasn&#8217;t charged.\u00a0 After all, the Appeals Chamber very recently rejected a similar &#8220;recharacterization&#8221; of the evidence in <em>Lubanga<\/em>, refusing to add new crimes against humanity charges because the &#8220;facts and circumstances&#8221; in the confirmation of charges did not support them, thereby violating Article 74(2) of the Rome Statute.\u00a0 I simply fail to see how, if Bashir went to trial only on the war crimes and crimes against humanity charges, the &#8220;facts and circumstances&#8221; in the charging document would support &#8220;recharacterizing&#8221; them to support a genocide conviction, given genocide&#8217;s objective requirement that the targeted individuals be members of a protected group and its subjective requirement that the defendant have specifically intended to destroy the protected group as such.\u00a0 Frankly, Alex&#8217;s suggestion &#8212; that the OTP seek to amend the charges once Bashir was arrested but before trial &#8212; would be the lesser of two evils.<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http:\/\/feeds.feedburner.com\/~r\/opiniojurisfeed\/~4\/pgwnLpamfHU\" height=\"1\" width=\"1\"\/><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>by Kevin Jon Heller I intend to closely follow the reactions to the Appeals Chamber&#8217;s decision on the genocide charges against Bashir.\u00a0 The pushback has already begun in a predictable place: the Making Sense of Darfur blog, which has led the charge against the arrest warrant. The post itself, in which David Barsoum asks &#8220;what [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4229,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-276936","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-news"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/mereja.media\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/276936","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/mereja.media\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/mereja.media\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mereja.media\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4229"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mereja.media\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=276936"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/mereja.media\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/276936\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/mereja.media\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=276936"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mereja.media\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=276936"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mereja.media\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=276936"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}