\nnot brazen, so while BP works to protect its tattered reputation in the Gulf,
\ntwo Texas oil companies are on the attack in California. Their target is Assembly Bill 32<\/a>, the most
\nambitious cap-and-trade climate plan in the nation, which was signed into law
\nby Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger (R) in 2006 and is set to really kick into gear
\nnext year. Their weapon is a ballot initiative that would mothball the plan
\nuntil state unemployment drops to below 5.5 percent for four consecutive
\nquarters (from a current 12.6 percent), which would effectively kill the plan
\nfor the time being.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Last week, a group
\nturned in 800,000 signatures in support of the initiative, ensuring it a place
\non state ballots in November. Texas refinery companies Tesoro and Valerog an attack on Gov. Schwarzenegger’s signature and
\nprivate donors have poured more than $1 million into the campaign. Clean-air
\nadvocates worry that figure could reach $50 million by year’s end.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
The group works under <\/p>\n Schwarzeneger, for his <\/p>\n Two ways this could <\/p>\n Worst-case scenario: Defeat<\/strong>. A successful ballot initiative would <\/p>\n “People see <\/p>\n Best-case scenario: A long, expensive distraction.<\/strong> Even if the <\/p>\n In this way it works <\/p>\n The silver lining: Cleantech gets tough. <\/strong>If there’s a bright side Related Links:<\/strong><\/p>\n Obama admin overhauls MMS, the agency in charge of offshore drilling<\/a><\/p>\n Rand Paul’s Copenhagen rant and other election notes<\/a><\/p>\n Robert Redford and green groups tell Obama to step up on Gulf oil leak<\/a><\/p>\n
\nthe name California Jobs Initiative<\/a>,
\nwhich is ironic given the threat it poses to jobs in the state’s growing
\ncleantech industry. The clean-energy sector has noticed the threat, and it’s partnering<\/a> with green groups and venture capital firms to build up its own war chest to
\ndefend the climate plan.<\/p>\n
\npart, has stuck to his guns: “We have to do everything we can to fight
\nback and push back those greedy companies and make sure we protect our
\nenvironmental laws,” he
\nsaid<\/a> last week.<\/p>\n
\nplay out:<\/p>\n
\nbe catastrophic, and not just for clean-energy workers in California. The fight
\nis a symbolic proxy for the national battle over fossil-fuel pollution and
\nclimate legislation, and a victory for polluters in the nation’s most populous state
\nwould embolden them to try to repeal climate plans in other states.<\/p>\n
\nCalifornia as ground zero in this fight,” Ann Nothoff, California advocacy
\ndirector for the Natural Resources Defense Council, told the L.A. Times<\/a>. “Polluters will do
\nanything to defeat climate legislation in Washington, D.C., even if it means
\nusing California as a pawn.”<\/p>\n
\nmeasure fails six months from now, it still forces environmental groups to
\nspend scarce money and attention on defending an existing law when they want to be proactively campaigning for more progress.<\/p>\n
\nthe same as concerted attacks on climate science or climate action plans.
\nPolluters don’t have to win public
\narguments over science or the best climate solutions. They just have to
\ncontinue attacking, keeping the public confused and the media covering the
\n“debate.” For them, the best defense is relentless series of attacks.
\nClean-energy advocates are stuck playing defense.<\/p>\n
\nhere, it’s that California’s politically inexperienced clean-energy companies
\nand venture firms may learn to use their considerable funds and intellectual
\ncapital in the political arena. In February, cleantech executives traveled to Washington
\nfor a “fly-in” crash
\ncourse<\/a> on lobbying and media strategy. The attack on California’s climate
\nplan could hammer home some of the same lessons on the need for businesses to
\nengage with policy. Now Climatewire
\nreports<\/a> that cleantech firms and environmental groups are working to craft
\na unified response plan to the oil-company attacks. Both groups may emerge
\nstronger from that partnership.<\/p>\n
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