Author: Grist – the Latest from Grist

  • Digital designer shows what future towns could look like

    by Jonathan Hiskes

    Honolulu, Hawaii
    Illustrations courtesy Urban Advantage

    Imagine some ugly, underused street in your town, marked by drab buildings, wide streets, and forbidding expanses of parking lot. If you have to go here at all, chances are you’d prefer to drive. Now imagine it remade into a place where you’d actually want to walk or bike. There would be broad sidewalks, trees, and streetfront buildings with ground-level windows. There would be other people walking around too.

    Picture this in your mind, if you can. If you can’t, digital artist Steve Price might be able to help. Price builds Flash animations that show what blighted urban landscapes would look like if they became healthier, safer, and more sustainable places. Here’s a rendering of Columbia Pike in Arlington, Va., in five steps:

    Columbia Pike, Arlington, Va.

    Price’s Berkeley firm, Urban Architecture, builds “photo-realistic visualizations” like the ones above for developers, design firms, and local governments seeking approval for their ideas. The Miami suburb of Kendall, for example, used Price’s work to pass a walker-friendly master plan.

    The work, done mostly with Photoshop, rests on the premise that seeing a proposed development can be more useful to people than receiving lots of information about it. There are limits, says Price, to explaining a design proposal with things like dwelling-units per acre, setbacks, building heights, traffic volumes, and vehicle-miles traveled. They might be perfectly good arguments, he says. They’re just not how people come to understand and support civic changes.

    Steve Price“Everybody kind of nods and agrees and knits their brows as they listen to statistics and information about economic development,” Price said of the public meetings he’s attended. “Then they see the pictures, and that’s when the smiles occur. And the ‘oohs’ and ‘ahs.’ There are two hemispheres of the brain, and it’s almost like two different people in everybody’s head, and they respond to the world in very different ways.”

    Price got his start in this arena as a concerned citizen, arguing in the mid-1990s that two Bay Area Rapid Transit stations near his home didn’t need to be surrounded by parking lots. His wife is Japanese, and he’d seen much more walker-friendly train stations in Osaka. He built illustrations based on those.

    His previous fine arts work—painting and drawing figures in panoramic landscapes—influenced his approach. “I’ve always been very interested in how visual communication affects people in a completely different way than verbal communication,” he said. “And how profoundly people can be changed without them even being conscious of it, simply by seeing different models.”

    Twin Cities, Minn.

    Price’s projects fit within the realm of New Urbanism, a design philosophy that stresses public spaces, compact design, and smart use of energy and other resources. He says he’s worked with designers who “gold-plate” their proposals with fancy pavement, expensive streetlamps, and elaborate architecture—much of which doesn’t survive in final plans. But the essential elements, he finds, are wide sidewalks, street-front windows, buildings that aren’t hiding behind parking lots—and trees.

    “Street-side trees are big things,” he said. “It’s biophilia—people just love living green things in their environment. And transparency on ground floors of shops, and awnings. There are certain design standards that seem to be surefire ways of getting positive reactions from people. It really doesn’t require super expensive design work and architecture.”

    The illustrations tend to feature mature trees, which take years to grow, and blue skies, which are difficult for even the best urban planners to guarantee. And, of course, the images are projections of the future. Every step of planning, permitting, financing, and building brings potential changes. No project built off Price’s images has turned out exactly as he rendered it, he says, but “generally the ultimate build-out followed the same design rules.” There is an element of uncertainty, as there is with any development proposal.

    But allowing investors, planning officials, and neighbors to see a version of what the future could look like eliminates some fear of the unknown.

    That’s why Price’s work holds promise for promoting human-scale communities and even fighting climate change. Our fossil-fuel economy may be sputtering, but at least it’s familiar, unlike some mysterious green-tech future. And do we really want environmentalists—who have been nagging and scolding the public for decades—in charge of engineering resilient homes, vehicles, food systems, and workplaces? It can be just plain difficult for Americans to picture homes, neighborhoods, and towns that are sustainable and still pleasant to live in.

    Visual depictions like Price’s take some of the guesswork out of envisioning that future. And helping people see what the future could be is a key step in recruiting them to help build it.

    Lancaster Boulevard in Lancaster, Calif.

    Related Links:

    Bill Gates and our innovation addiction: A recipe for climate inaction

    London’s transportation transformation for the 2012 Olympics [Video]

    Talking Vancouver and successful urbanism on the radio






  • Are GMOs the ‘financial innovations’ of agriculture?

    by Tom Laskawy

    (Photoillustration by Grist)Financial blogger Felix Salmon has an essay in Foreign Policy called “How Locavores Can Save the World”—expanded, by the way, from a wonderful blog post he wrote after attending a panel discussion on world hunger at the
    Davos World Economic Forum in the company of Blue Hill Farm’s Dan Barber. Salmon usually focuses on issues involving economic crises, monetary policy, complex derivatives, macro-economics, and governmental oversight of the financial markets, but here he’s talking monocultures, sustainable agriculture, and transgenic seeds. Tom Philpott has in the past opined on the similarities between financial and food crises, so I suppose this turn of events is not too surprising.

    But the bit I found most striking was how Salmon characterized Big Ag’s claim that genetically modified organisms are an “answer” to the problem of world hunger:

    [It] is the
    agricultural equivalent of creating triple-A-rated mortgage bonds, fabricated
    precisely to prevent the problem of credit risk. It doesn’t make the problem go
    away: It just makes the problem rarer and much more dangerous when it does
    occur because no one is—or even can be—prepared for such a high-impact,
    low-probability event.

    Well, hey. That’s a new one. GMOs as CDOs (i.e. Collateralized Debt Obligations), the mortgage-backed securities that helped destroy the economy as we knew it. But I wanted to hear more details. So I asked Salmon if he might expand on the analogy. And this post was his response:

    The point here is that a disease-resistant crop is a lot like a
    triple-A-rated structured bond: they’re both artificially engineered to
    be as safe as possible. That would be a wonderfully good thing if no
    one knew that they were so safe. But if you’re aware of a safety
    improvement, that often just has the effect of increasing the amount of
    risk you take: people drive faster when they’re wearing seatbelts, and
    they take on a lot more leverage when they’re buying AAA-rated bonds.

    The agricultural equivalent is the move to industrial-scale
    monoculture, “safe” in the knowledge that lots of clever engineers in
    the US have made the crop into the agribusiness version of a
    bankruptcy-remote special-purpose entity.

    But the problem is that bankruptcy-remote doesn’t mean that
    bankruptcy is impossible: just ask the people running Citigroup’s
    AAA-rated SIVs [Structured Investment Vehicles—another risk management financial “innovation” that failed spectacularly]. If and when the unlikely event eventually happens, the
    amount of devastation caused is directly proportional to the degree to
    which people thought they were protected. When something like that goes
    wrong, it goes very wrong indeed: artificial safety improvements have
    the effect of turning outcomes binary.

    Essentially, you’re trading a large number of small problems for a
    small probability that at some point you’re going to have an absolutely
    enormous problem.

    In a sense, Big Ag—along with the Obama administration—is doubling down on the industrial system we have now: one that is already starting to show signs of stress, from the rise of superweeds along with the price of oil. Monsanto and Syngenta are claiming the ability to genetically engineer all the risk out of agriculture. But in narrowing farmers’ choices to a small set of patented seeds, seeds that must be bought by and distributed to every far-flung farm in the world every year (most of which lack basic infrastructure like, say, roads, and which must grow them according to strict protocols), these companies presume to have managed all the risks, just like the banks did a few years back. They are also presuming that the “Business as Usual” scenario, the world as it exists today, will continue indefinitely; that, in other words, there are no Black Swans hiding in the reeds.

    As Salmon describes it for us so clearly, it’s a huge gamble. Only this time we’re not gambling with money—we’re being asked to gamble with our breakfast, lunch, and dinner, and farmers with their livelihoods. That is a bet that none of us should have to take.

    The good news is we don’t. Between Dan Barber-style “regionalized breeding” as a bulwark against disease and the kind of sustainable agriculture sketched out in the U.N.‘s landmark IASTAAD report, a practical alternative to Big Ag’s vision exists. The question is, must we wait for the Black Swan to take flight before we enact it?

    Related Links:

    [DRAFT] Maybe locavores can save the world after all

    The bluefin tuna gets a bigtime backer: the U.S. government

    Study suggests junk food taxes may beat healthy food subsidies






  • E.U.‘s ‘carbon fat cats’ get rich off trading scheme, study finds

    by Agence France-Presse

    PARIS—Europe’s system for industrial carbon quotas has enriched the continent’s biggest polluters, with 10 firms together reaping permits for 2008 alone worth $680 million, a new report revealed.

    Dominated by steel and cement makers, the same “carbon fat cats” stand to collect surplus CO2 permits that—at current market rates—could be worth $4.3 billion by 2012, it said.

    This is roughly equivalent to the entire E.U. investment in renewable energy and clean technology under its economic recovery plan, according to Sandbag, a nonprofit group in Britain that analyzes carbon market policy.

    “Emissions trading is meant to be the central policy for cutting CO2 levels,” said Anna Pearson, Sandbag’s top policy analyst. “The fact that companies are able to make large sums of money for doing nothing highlights that the trading scheme must be reformed and E.U. climate change target strengthened.”

    Under the Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS), the European Union allocates carbon pollution allowances to member states to meet obligations laid out in the U.N.‘s Kyoto Protocol, for which the first commitment period runs through 2012. The states then assign quotas to the industries that belch the most CO2 into the atmosphere.

    Companies that emit less than their allowance can sell the difference on the market to companies that exceed their limits, thus providing—in theory—a financial carrot to everyone to become greener.

    But the energy, steel, and cement sectors that dominate the system, hit by the global crunch, are emitting less CO2 than forecast, which means surplus carbon permits are flooding the market.

    Among the top 10 beneficiaries, steelmaker ArcelorMittal collected more than 40 percent of the 2008 excess permits, reported Sandbag. French cement giant Lafarge got about 12 percent, with Tata steel group subsidiary Corus and Swedish steel maker SSAB-Svenskt Stal each claiming about 10 percent.

    Even if the permits are not directly resold for profit, the value will still remain on the companies’ books, rising or falling with the market.

    Most of the permits were generated simply because the companies were allocated more free permits than they wound up using, according to the report. “Little or no actual ‘effort’ toward emissions reductions need have taken place, yet these companies will be able to literally bank the profits,” it said.

    The price of a tonne of CO2 or its equivalent has fallen sharply over the last 18 months. After peaking at nearly $38 in mid-2008, CO2 is currently trading at about $18, according to BlueNext, one of several European carbon exchanges.

    Viewed narrowly, the recession-driven drop in CO2 emissions helps the environment.

    But low carbon prices give businesses little incentive to develop and install new technologies to slash future emissions.

    Related Links:

    U.S. stops short of protection for western sage grouse

    Sen. Blanche Lincoln faces a challenger from the left, but is he any better on the environment?

    Hand-made electric cars serve a niche market in Japan






  • Ask Umbra’s pearls of wisdom on booze

    by Umbra Fisk

    Dearest readers,

    Sitting down in the stacks today, I’ve got a lovely
    chardonnay on the brain as we amble into the weekend, so I can’t help but
    revisit some past alcoholic inquiries. And yes, most of these deal with the
    small stuff that I usually tell you not to sweat, but, hey, people ask, I
    answer. What eco-friendly beverage will you be cracking open when the clock
    strikes 5 p.m. today? Got a great recipe, perhaps involving your own homemade
    club soda
    ? Let me know in the
    comments below.

    Drivin’ N
    Buyin’.

    Don’t drink and drive, obvs, but also don’t
    drive and drink. Cranking up our cars to go buy alcohol is, by far, the worst impact
    (on the planet, at least) of our collective drinking problem. Bike to the bar,
    walk to the liquor store, pogo stick to the grocer. Whatever you do, try to
    skip the gas-guzzler in order to get your own guzzling going. Get the full Ask Umbra
    answer
    .

    Shot
    through the heart and Jell-O’s to blame.

    Ah, the age-old question of how to green
    your Jell-O shots. Well, unless you plan to reuse your tiny plastic cups over
    and over and over again, opt for little paper ones. Or better yet, pour the
    shots into reusable ice cube trays to chill. Get the full Ask Umbra answer.

    We’ve got
    spirits; yes, we do.

    And organic ones at that. Yep, nowadays,
    there are awesome options for organic wine, beer, liquor, and bubbly. So you
    can get your drink on, knowing that your beverage wasn’t produced using tons of
    chemical pesticides and that you’re supporting organic farmers. And rumor has
    it that drinking organic can cut down on hangovers. Hmm. You’ll have to test
    that one out to be sure. Get the
    full Ask Umbra answer
    .

    Put the
    lime in the coconut.

    Or in your beer bottle, without sweating
    how to remove it before recycling. Yes, bottles with little lime wedges inside
    can still be recycled; it’ll all get sorted out at the recycling facility.
    Looking for a tasty beer to pop that lime into? Check out Tom Philpott’s
    organic beer tasting results
    . Get the full Ask Umbra
    answer
    and video.

    Put a
    cork in it.

    More specifically, a natural cork. When it
    comes to a stopper for your wine bottle, cork comes in first place for having
    the least impact on the planet, plastic comes in second, and aluminum screw
    caps take last place. Plus, you can shred up the cork for mulch or composting. Get the full Ask Umbra
    answer
    .

    Lushly,
    Umbra

    Related Links:

    Ask Umbra on shoe polish, socially responsible investing, and Facebook

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  • Streetfilms: Seattle’s Link Light Rail the start of something big [video]

    by Grist

    Right now, Seattle is making as serious a commitment to transit as any city in the nation. Recently, Streetfilms got to take a tour of the newest addition to the city’s network—the 13-station Link Light Rail, which opened in mid-2009.

    The route is beautiful, swift, and has great multi-modal connections. Service is frequent, with headways as short as 7 minutes during rush hour, and never longer than 15 minutes. And like many of the newest American light rail systems, the stations feature copious art.

    Seattle has a lot of car commuters, but in a sign that many are looking for more efficient and environmentally friendly ways of getting to work, the new light rail line will be followed by several more additions to the city’s transit network. As Seattle’s Sound Transit CEO Joni Earl told us:

    [Voters] in November 2008, by 57 percent—which was a thrill in a recession economy—voted to expand our light rail system, and our commuter rail system, and our buses… to add another 36 miles of light rail in the region. And to add 65 percent more capacity to our commuter rail system.

    We’d like to thank everyone who talked to us for this shoot, especially Bruce Gray from Sound Transit, and Andrew Schmid for arranging it all. And of course a big shout out to the intrepid scribes over at Seattle Transit Blog, who cover the local transportation scene with zeal and gusto.

     

    For more of this fantastic series, visit our friends over at Street Films.

     

    Related Links:

    London’s transportation transformation for the 2012 Olympics [Video]

    Hop on the bus, texters

    Obama’s Partnership for Sustainable Communities will put the feds’ weight behind smart growth






  • Green Oscar nominees to watch

    by Tyler Falk

    “Avatar” is on top of the world at the Oscars.Photo: Official Avatar Movie’s photostreamThe carpet will still be red at the Oscars this Sunday, but there will be a little more green among the nominees.

    Leading the way is this year’s blockbuster “Avatar,” James Cameron’s self-proclaimed most successful environmental film of all time. Tied with “The Hurt Locker” for most nominations, including Best Picture, “Avatar” is the most popular green-themed film, but don’t let the Nav’i distract you from other eco-ly legit films.

    For starters, Tom Philpott’s cinematic sweetheart, “Fantastic Mr. Fox” garnered two nominations—Animated Feature Film and Music (Original Score)—although Philpott still claims it was snubbed.

    Two films bypassed allegory and dug into unsustainable—and shocking—food practices to gain their nominations for Documentary (Feature). “Food, Inc.” takes on the industrial food system in the U.S.

    And “The Cove” focuses on a brutal for-profit dolphin-killing operation in Japan.

    Nominations alone are good publicity for these green messages, but a couple golden statues wouldn’t hurt. Green … for the win!

    Related Links:

    Is ‘Birdemic’ the best/worst apocalyptic thriller of all time?

    Meryl Streep more of a food activist than Julia Child ever was

    James Cameron: I’m the greenest director of all time!






  • What to do when haters diss livable communities

    by Ashley Braun

    Haters gonna hate. Click to see him walk it out, for realz.Omar Noory, http://thisisallido.com/work.html

    We can’t be certain, but we’re pretty sure this comic is commentary on a recent heated exchange between the Secretary of Transportation and a certain Missouri senator who be hatin’ on sidewalks and “livability”:

    “When did it become the responsibility of the federal DOT (Department of Transportation) to
    build sidewalks?”

    1991, to be precise. If haters gonna hate, just put on your Happy Feet and walk it out.

    (Hat tip to Kevin Buist’s blog on the image.)

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  • Stupid things senators are saying about the Kerry, Graham, and Lieberman proposal

    by David Roberts

    Over the weekend, Sens. John Kerry (D-Mass.), Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), and Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.) released some details about their upcoming “tripartisan” energy/climate bill. (I wrote about it here.) This has prompted a flurry of press coverage, as various senators and interest groups react to the proposal.

    The result? A torrent of confusion, nonsense, and outright falsehoods. Hooray for the Senate!

    First, to get clear on the KGL proposal: they would keep a cap-and-trade (or possibly cap-and-dividend) system for utilities, while oil producers and users would be subject instead to a simple carbon tax. Heavy industry would be exempt from the cap to begin with and would be moved in over time. In other words, the econony-wide cap-and-trade system has been broken in two. Now there’s a mini-C&T system and a carbon tax. But carbon is still being priced; the cost of fossil fuels will still go up.

    Do senators get that? It would appear not. Indeed, it’s become pretty clear that most conservative and “centrist” senators don’t have even a rudimentary understanding of carbon pricing. They think the KGL plan is better, but at no point does any of them offer any coherent policy rationale for that preference. And as far as I can tell, journalists don’t even ask the question. This is political Kabuki without even a thin veneer of serious policy considerate. (Usually they have a veneer!)

    Start with this characteristically weightless Politico story.

    “Any movement away from an economywide cap-and-trade system is a movement in the right direction,” said GOP Conference Chairman Sen. Lamar Alexander, who said the new direction “makes a lot more sense.”

    Why is anything other than economy-wide cap-and-trade better? Why is the sectoral approach better? No clue. He doesn’t say. Or this:

    “I’m very open to that,” Louisiana Sen. Mary Landrieu said of the new proposal. “I’m completely opposed to economywide cap and trade. A compromise that Lieberman, Kerry and Graham were working on might have more potential.”

    Why is she opposed to economy-wide cap-and-trade? Why does KGL have “more potential”? She isn’t asked, and doesn’t say. Moving on:

    “I’ll be certainly listening to it,” New Hampshire Republican Sen. Judd Gregg said of the proposal. “It’s got a lot of evolution in it right now.”

    Too bad Waxman and Markey didn’t think to put some evolution in ACES. Or something.

    “You can’t use cap and trade anymore because it is like manure on the trough,” said Voinovich. “It’s defined, and people are opposed to it.”

    Ah ha! At last a reason to oppose cap-and-trade! Except, uh, it’s completely wrong. Every poll in the last five years, almost without exception, has shown that the public favors regulating carbon pollution and they like ACES, the cap-and-trade bill that does it. From a poll out just last month:

    When asked whether they “support or oppose regulatiing carbon dioxide … as a pollutant,” 73 percent said yes, with only 27 percent opposed, including 61 percent of Republicans. This was more than the 67 percent who supported “expanded offshore drilling” or the 49 who wanted to “build more nuclear power plants.”

    Throw in a rebate to cover higher electricity prices (a provision included in ACES), and 66% specifically support a cap-and-trade system, which is pretty extraordinary for a fairly technical policy. So when Voinovich says “people are opposed to it,” he’s either abjectly ignorant or the “people” he’s talking about are his fellow senators. Ah, life inside the snow globe.

    Then there’s Graham himself:

    “I think a lot of people are intrigued in business,” he said. “The key to Republican support is business.”

    Hm, let’s see where business stands on ACES, the economy-wide cap-and-trade bill:

    American Businesses for Clean Energy (ABCE), a group of large and small businesses that want Congress to reduce greenhouse gas emissions; it already has over 2,400 companies—all of whom joined ABCE in less than four months.
    More than 80 groups signed onto the recent USCAP ad in the Wall Street Journal.
    We Can Lead, a group of more than 150 companies, continues to gain ground advocating for policies that will generate an estimates 1.7 million good, American jobs.

    Looks like “business” is on board—unless Graham just means Big Oil business. Surely not!

    Now let’s jump over to this story from Darren Samuelsohn of ClimateWire. It gets into more specifics about the KGL proposal and has much gibberish to choose from. To begin with:

    “It gets you a solution to the carbon problem that doesn’t destroy that part [i.e., Big Oil] of the economy,” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), a lead co-author of the Senate legislation, said yesterday.

    Now, why would cap-and-trade—a price on carbon—destroy Big Oil while a carbon tax—a price on carbon—wouldn’t? No explanation is forthcoming. But Graham is a model of clarity compared to this:

    “The issue about equalizing the costs of people who put emissions in the air is what the game plan should be,” said Sen. Mark Begich (D-Alaska).

    [rubs eyes] Uh. If Begich is trying to say that all people who emit should pay the same price for their emissions, well, have I got a policy for him! It’s called economy-wide cap-and-trade.

    And I defy you to make sense of this:

    [Jack Gerard, president of the American Petroleum Institute,] said that the carbon fee approach would yield net environmental benefits, while giving consumers the most transparent signal they can get about what the costs are from the program. Unlike the House bill’s cap-and-trade system, oil companies would pass through the costs with signs at the gas pump letting people know they’re paying more because of U.S. efforts to deal with climate change.

    “The effect is you alter consumer behavior,” Gerard said. “If consumers know they have choices between buying a more efficient car, riding a bike or buying an SUV, now they’re making an informed choice.”

    Jesus. WHAT? Look, a price on carbon is a price on carbon. Oil companies are going to pass the costs on to consumers. If they want to, they can put signs on gas pumps—the kind of carbon price they pay is utterly irrelevant to that. Similarly, a carbon price will yield slightly higher gas prices, whether the price is from a cap or a tax. Why would one alter consumer behavior but the other wouldn’t? I literally have no idea WTF Gerard is talking about here.

    For the record, the EPA found that ACES would raise gas prices by $0.13 by 2015 and $0.25 by 2025. By comparison, gas prices shot up $0.40 last year in May alone. So whatever price signal a carbon price is going to send is likely to get lost in the natural variability of gas prices. But anyway.

    Here we get a little closer to the realm of non-gobbledy-gook:

    Denny Ellerman, a retired energy economist who worked at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, said the oil industry’s general interest in the carbon fee stems in large part from their distaste with buying and selling emission allocations. “Just make it a tax, and we’ll pay the tax,” Ellerman said. “They know it gets passed on. They know demand is inelastic. They just don’t like the sound of having the allowances.”

    Now we’re getting somewhere. Oil companies want a tax instead of cap-and-trade because they don’t want to trade allowances. But … why? They “don’t like the sound” of it? The thing about tradable allowances is that a particular company could increase its efficiency, sell its allowances, and make money from the system. The difference is that in the dynamism of a carbon market, oil companies would be pressured to innovate. A carbon tax, like a gas tax, is administered by the government; oil companies just pass it on to consumers. Business as usual: that’s what oil companies are trying to secure with this deal. National policy is being shaped around making them comfortable. Awesome.

    Suffice to say, I could go on pulling dumb quotes like this for many more pages. It’s just profoundly depressing that world-historically consequential policy is being shaped by people who don’t understand how it works and are primarily motivated by marching orders from corporate polluters.

    But, you know … welcome to the U.S. Senate.

    Related Links:

    Dear Vinod Khosla & Tom Friedman: No amount of sequestration will make coal “clean”

    American Petroleum tells lawmakers it supports carbon fee because it’s easier to demonize

    A messy but practical strategy for phasing out the U.S. coal fleet






  • Sen. Blanche Lincoln faces a challenger from the left, but is he any better on the environment?

    by Samantha Thompson

    Blanche Lincoln Arkansas Lt. Gov. Bill Halter (D) is mounting a primary
    challenge against conservative Democrat Blanche Lincoln for the U.S. Senate
    seat she’s held for two terms.

    Environmentalists and progressives have it in for
    Lincoln
    , angry over her opposition to high-profile Democratic issues like a
    public option in health care and cap-and-trade.
    The Sierra Club is running
    ads bashing her
    for trying to stall new fuel-economy rules on behalf of Big
    Oil. (She’s been the top recipient of campaign
    contributions from the oil and gas sector
    for the past five years.) MoveOn is sending emails calling Lincoln “one
    of the worst Democratic senators” and urging its members to donate to Halter.

    Recently named to the League
    of Conservation Voters’ “Dirty Dozen,”
    Lincoln has taken heat for working
    to block the EPA from regulating greenhouse-gas emissions. She was also one of
    10 Democrats who contributed to the downfall of the Lieberman-Warner Climate
    Security Act in 2008. Along with other swing-vote senators, Lincoln signed
    a letter
    [PDF] outlining the reasons she would not support the bill. (Kate
    Sheppard has more
    on Lincoln’s climate and energy record
    .)

    Meanwhile, Halter seems to be getting somewhat of a free
    pass. MoveOn, unions, and other liberal groups have helped him amass a war chest of more
    than $5 million, but he’s managed to get this far with little mention of the
    environment. His campaign website is
    decidedly ambiguous on climate and energy, focusing instead on education and
    jobs.

    Bill HalterIn an interview with Talking Points Memo, Halter
    glosses over environmental issues
    . He gives a blunt “no” when asked if he
    would share Lincoln’s position on blocking the EPA from regulating greenhouse
    gas emissions, but remains vague about cap-and-trade, a point not lost on TPM:

    On the issues,
    Halter often came down on the left-hand side of the line. He told me he likes
    candidates that talk specifics and in most cases he put his money where his
    mouth was, offering detailed answer on a number of policy fronts. One notable
    exception was cap-and-trade, where … he didn’t offer a specific policy stance,
    instead talking at length about developing alternative energy resources to
    better the environment and the economy. But he said “there are significant
    changes that need to be made” to the House cap-and-trade bill before he
    could support it. Halter ended our interview before he had a chance to elaborate
    on what those “significant changes” are.

    Whoever wins the nomination will face a tough
    general-election race against the likely Republican nominee, U.S. Rep. John Boozman
    (R), who is currently
    polling well ahead
    of both Lincoln and Halter. 

    Related Links:

    A messy but practical strategy for phasing out the U.S. coal fleet

    U.S. stops short of protection for western sage grouse

    Why not structure climate bills to win popular support?






  • Supermarket medleys are a fruit-smashing success

    by Ashley Braun

    The world may be a vicious place, but that doesn’t mean we can’t all
    pear up to make it a cherry-er place. “Look at what’s in your cart, then look at what’s in your heart.”

    Who knows? We all might eat our fruits and veggies more often if we could squish ‘em together in organic musical movements like this one:

    This fruit salad brought to you by Improv Everywhere. Watch Grist’s video interview with the group’s founder, Charlie Todd.

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  • Murkowski wants to save Alaska by destroying it

    by Brad Johnson

    Cross-posted from the Wonk Room.

    As Sens. John Kerry (D-Mass.), Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), and Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.) work to craft comprehensive climate legislation that can overcome a fossil-fueled filibuster, swing vote Sen. Lisa
    Murkowski (R-Alaska) is trying to dig the carbon hole deeper. Before
    climate policy had a chance of becoming reality, Murkowski claimed to recognize that global warming from fossil fuels is destroying Alaska. Now, she has continued down that path by
    demanding that drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge is “one of the must-haves”:

    I’m still saying ANWR is one of the must-haves.
    You want to have me sit down at the table and talk about what a strong
    domestic production piece is, you have to be willing to talk to me
    about ANWR. Pretty simple.

    Murkowski is increasingly sounding like an oil industry lobbyist, leading the effort to prevent the Environmental Protection Agency from enforcing the Clean
    Air Act with respect to greenhouse pollution. Murkowski’s Dirty Air Act resolution is a blatant rejection of science and safety on behalf of
    her fossil industry contributors. This week, she praised Sen. Jay
    Rockefeller’s (D-W.Va.) two-year Clean Air Act moratorium, saying she is “hopeful that this bill will draw additional support and advance quickly.”

    Only in the United States Senate could you find someone demand that
    a climate bill involve drilling in one of the last pristine places on
    earth. Murkowski is working to unleash the only two imminent threats to
    the remote and unique Arctic Refuge—global warming and oil drilling. Murkowski, it seems, is willing to destroy her state in order to save it.

    Related Links:

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  • Getting back to our green roots with potlikker soup

    by April McGreger

    Collard greens, pork stock, and corn dumplings soak in the rich broth of history.  (Photos by April McGreger)

    Recently I was one of more than 1,000 Southern farmers,
    chefs, and co-producers attending the Georgia Organics Conference in Athens, Ga.
    The theme of the conference was “Reclaiming Agriculture,” with the spotlight on
    “culture.” The keynote speaker, Slow Food International founder Carlo Petrini,
    gave an inspiring speech calling on all there to remember that Slow Food‘s mission is not simply to support local food, but
    to preserve local, cultural food practices.
    He suggested that if we can reconnect food to culture, we can restore a healthy
    relationship with food. He stressed that we must get back to the place where
    food is sacred, with important ties to both family and religion, just as
    animals were sacred to the hunter gatherers thousands of years ago.

    One of the greatest problems with our current industrialized
    food system, Petrini argued, is that we have become so preoccupied with price
    that we have forgotten all about value. He suggested that we combat the higher
    price of good, clean, and fair food by valuing it more and wasting less.
    Currently 22,000 tons of food are wasted daily in the United States. No wonder
    we insist on it being cheap; we are buying twice as much as we need.

    Carlo Petrini inspires farmers and cooks in GeorgiaPetrini challenged us to take a hard look into our
    refrigerators, where we were sure to find “parsley begging for mercy,” and
    encouraged us to be less wasteful cooks. He called on chefs and home cooks alike
    to bring back the art of recycling leftovers, invoking the great Italian
    peasant soup ribollita, which is made from yesterday’s leftover beans,
    greens, and bread. He also praised Georgia’s collard greens, which he called “a
    monument to Georgia.” The greens are resilient and easy to grow, cooked in a
    rich pork broth made of less desirable cuts of pork or various pork scraps, and
    served with simple, aromatic corn bread for a satisfying meal.

    “Who is the 3-star Michelin chef who invented this dish?”
    Petrini teased, encouraging us to recognize the wisdom and resourcefulness of
    the traditional culture from which the dish arose. “I want to travel the world
    and speak of your collard greens,” he exclaimed to a laughing—but proud—Georgia audience.  

    Petrini’s words struck a chord with me. I have long been
    troubled by how the environmental and good-food movements in the U.S. largely
    ignore traditional food knowledge and culture. So today I offer you a recipe
    for soup that is delicious, nutritious, economical, resourceful, recycled, and
    an ingenious product of my traditional food culture.

    The basis of the soup is what we in the South refer to as potlikker, a mineral-rich broth leftover
    from cooking a pot of greens that was born out of privation. It is said to have
    its origins amongst slaves who had to feed their own families with the
    leftovers from the big house. Little did the well-to-do masters know, they were
    tossing out the most nutritious part of their pot of greens.

    Regardless of its origins, potlikker and greens are an
    important and beloved dish for all Southerners, regardless of class or race.
    Those nutritionists who scold us for boiling all the nutrients out of our food
    do not understand the way we eat. We know well the value of the potlikker, and
    we relish it ladled over a wedge of crispy cornbread. We save it for the
    makings of tomorrow’s soup. We’re even known to sip it in a juice glass
    alongside our supper. We use it to make cornmeal dumplings (see recipe below),
    also known as Indian dumplings, as they were one of the first foods English
    settlers in coastal Virginia and North Carolina learned to make from Indians.
    This dish has persevered for 400 years (though admittedly gets scarcer every
    year) and is most commonly found on top of a pot of greens.

    Here, with these historic Southern dishes, I proudly
    salute the American Indians, slave cooks, and homesteaders with whom these
    dishes originated, as well as my grandparents and my parents who made sure to
    pass the love and value of these foods on to me. I for one am happier eating
    potlikker soup with corn dumplings at my Mama’s house than eating in the finest
    Michelin-starred restaurants in France. 

    Homemade corn dumplings turn potlikker soup into a satisfying meal. Potlikker Soup with Greens, Turnips, and Corn Dumplings

    The cooking liquid from yesterday’s mess (the Southern
    term to designate a potful of greens), is often recycled as
    a base for soup (along with any leftover greens). Here, however, we
    start from scratch.

    1 bunch of greens: collard greens, mustard greens, turnip greens, kale, or chard
    1 medium to large turnip or rutabaga
    1 medium onion, chopped
    3 cloves garlic, chopped
    1 bay leaf
    ¼ teaspoon crushed red pepper
    ~ 1 teaspoon salt, depending on the saltiness of your pork stock
    Rich Pork Stock, recipe below (you may substitute a stock made from simmering a several parmesan rinds, a smoked turkey wing stock, or a rich chicken stock)
    Corn Dumplings, recipe below

    Bring the pork stock to a simmer in a large soup pot. Wash
    your greens well. Remove tough stems and cut large leaves in half lengthwise.
    Julienne the greens so that you have thin strips about 3 inches long and
    1/8-inch wide. Add greens to the pork stock.

    Peel and dice the turnip and add it to the stock along with
    the chopped onion, garlic, bay leaf, crushed red pepper, and salt to the
    stock.  Cover and simmer the soup
    about 1 hour and 15 minutes. You may need to add a bit more water if your soup
    looks too thick. Taste for seasoning and add more salt and black pepper as
    needed.

    Make dumpling batter (see below). Drop the batter by the
    teaspoonful into the simmering broth. Cover the pot and cook until the
    dumplings are firm and cooked through, about 12-15 minutes. Serve with pepper
    sauce (pepper-spiked vinegar) or hot sauce.

    Rich Pork Stock

    3 smoked ham hocks or 6 pieces of bacon or a ham bone and a few ham scraps
    10 cups water

    In a soup pot, place the ham hocks and cover with the water.
    Bring to a boil then reduce to a simmer. Cover and simmer for about 2 to 2.5
    hours. Strain the broth and discard the hocks or other seasoning meats. You
    should have about 8 cups of stock.

    Corn Dumplings

    Makes about 20 dumplings

    1 cup of white or yellow, fine or medium cornmeal
    1 tablespoon all-purpose flour
    ½ teaspoon baking powder
    ¼ teaspoon of salt
    ¼ teaspoon ground black pepper
    1 cup hot potlikker
    1 large egg, lightly beaten
    1/4 cup chopped scallions or onion (optional)

    Mix the cornmeal, flour, baking powder, salt, and pepper in
    a bowl. Stir in potlikker, a little at a time, to make smooth batter that is
    stiff enough to hold together. Vigorously stir in the egg, then fold in the
    scallions or onions. Let the batter rest for a few minutes.

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  • Nothing will drive the suburbs away

    by Lisa Selin Davis

    Photo: FrankMaurer FlickrThe news that GM will cease production of Hummers revived the brewing argument that suburbia is in fatal decline.  Hummers are the perfect corollary to McMansions, symbols of excess, leftovers from the roaring aughts that now seem outlandish, indulgent and environmentally offensive.

    No buyers for Hummers plus no buyers for homes in far flung suburbs equals The End.  NPR’s Marketplace recently reported that “drive-until-you-qualify” suburbs are facing a rash of foreclosures because high gas prices make them undesirable; even a decent mortgage rate can’t compete against $3-a-gallon gas.  Ghost Town Suburbia, a made-for-TV movie in the making.

    Which is why I was surprised to read that driving is on the rise again. In 2007, as the economic crisis began, driving declined for the first time in decades. According to USA Today, a study by traffic-watchers INRIX “found that driving increased by 0.3% in September, 0.2% in October, 0.3% in November and 0.2% in December over the same periods a year earlier, according to federal data.”

    Increased driving is partly the result of an as-yet unfulfilled promise to put public transit back on the front burner; many of those outer suburbs would be more feasable digs if trains or busses or rapid transit reached them. But it’s also a sign that the economy is slowly on the mend. Retail sales are higher, and fewer people are filing for unemployment (although the latter may have more to do with Congressional delay on the unemployment benefits extension).

    Sadly, the best thing for reducing traffic congestion, in the absence of a comprehensive public transit system, is a sour economy. Rick Schuman of INRIX told USA Today, “As the job situation goes, so goes congestion. If we have a recovery and we start seeing employment starting to grow, congestion will grow along with it.”

    Here’s the question:  if the existing,  largely empty suburban greenfield developments (products of wayward policies though they may be) will inevitably fill back up as the economy eases, wouldn’t it be better for mass transit to trundle their denizens back and forth to work?  Of course it would.  It’s time to front-burner public transit to the foreclosing far-out lands, a better way to  tackle congestion and the housing crisis at once.

    And now is the time; cars are on the comeback. While Toyota and GM are both suffering from recalls, it turns out that the Hummer brand might have a buyer after all.

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  • Putting Wal-Mart’s green moves in context

    by Stacy Mitchell

    What journalists and even environmentalists so often fail to do in reporting on Wal-Mart’s sustainability announcements is to provide some context.

    Context is everything. Consider Wal-Mart’s latest announcement: It will push some of the factories that supply its stores to cut their greenhouse gas emissions. That’s a good thing in and of itself, but what happens when we measure it against Wal-Mart’s overall impact on the production of goods?

    One of the significant consequences of Wal-Mart’s rise and radical reshaping of the global economy has been a steep decline in the life span of many products. We wear out clothing, toasters, DVD players, and even furniture at a pretty rapid clip these days. It’s part of the reason Americans are now creating twice as much trash as we did twenty years ago.

    Faced with relentless pressure to lower costs in order to keep their wares on big-box shelves, producers have cut corners. Even storied brands like Levi’s, once synonymous with durability, have been brought to their knees by Wal-Mart and forced to redesign their products to be cheap and short-lived.

    So, on the one hand, you have Wal-Mart’s sustainability program, which proposes to reduce the emissions associated with some of the products its sells. And, on the other hand, you have Wal-Mart’s core business model, which ensures that we have to replace those products far more often.

    This is where some of our most prominent environmental groups have really failed us. They’ve loudly cheered Wal-Mart’s every green announcement, but have done little to help us understand or prod the company to confront the deep sustainability issues that are at the heart of its business model.

    Wal-Mart has carefully defined the parameters of sustainability to avoid running up against the basic formula of how it operates and grows. Glaringly absent from Wal-Mart’s recent sustainability report, for example, is any mention of sprawl or land use. There’s no discussion of how much undeveloped, carbon-absorbing habitat its big stores consume each year, even as the nation’s supply of both developed retail space and abandoned “greyfields” mushrooms to epic proportions.

    Nor is there any mention of how the big-box format that Wal-Mart pioneered has led to a sharp increase in the number of miles Americans drive for shopping. Although suburbanization accounts for some of this increase, most of it is a function of the basic geography of bigger stores. Each supercenter serves a larger area than the dozens of smaller grocers and other stores it replaces. This means picking up milk is a longer trip than it once was and federal data show that “one-stop-shopping” hasn’t come anywhere close to making up the difference. Indeed, since Wal-Mart began expanding in the 1970s, the number of miles logged per household for shopping has grown more than 300 percent, while household driving overall has expanded 75 percent.

    Some say that none of this really matters, because Wal-Mart is already a behemoth on the landscape and it’s better to have it be somewhat less polluting. But this is to ignore how much Wal-Mart intends to grow and how, in many cases, this growth will be replacing more sustainable economic systems with a less sustainable model. Even during a severe global recession, Wal-Mart is opening about 750 new stores a year, including about 3 supercenters per week in the U.S. and another 600 stores annually around the globe.

    While it’s often suggested that Wal-Mart’s main motivation for its sustainability initiatives is to cut costs, by far the bigger financial payoff lies in preserving the company’s rapid expansion.

    Just a few years ago, Wal-Mart’s ability to grow both here and abroad was in serious jeopardy. Opinion polls found sizeable numbers of shoppers were determined to find alternatives, while reports issued by stock analysts showed its growth rate was plummeting as more projects ran into roadblocks of local opposition.

    Since developing a greener image, Wal-Mart has had a much easier time countering local opposition and winning over city officials.

    It’s now working double-time to bring its inherently auto-oriented form of shopping to the rest of the world. One can only wonder at the staggering carbon impact of that transformation.

    But where I find the lack of broader context and analysis most troubling of all is in the way some environmentalists have gleefully embraced Wal-Mart’s sheer power. It is true that small changes can add up to big numbers at Wal-Mart’s scale. But if we step back for a moment and ask ourselves why, despite popular support and compelling scientific evidence, we have been unable to address legislatively the biggest environmental challenges of our day, one has to finger concentrated power as a culprit. Large corporate interests have hijacked our government and we have failed to act as citizens to take it back.

    Concentrated economic power is a threat to democracy, not only because it invariably translates into political power, but also because Wal-Mart and all the giants it is interconnected with, from Monsanto to Goldman Sachs, have rendered ours an ever less entrepreneurial society. Few Americans can lay claim to any measure of economic autonomy today. We are increasingly powerless employees and passive consumers. Having acquiesced to the Wal-Mart-run economy, where the most important decision we’re allowed to make is paper or plastic, it’s no wonder that we as a society seem unable to marshal the full power of our citizenship.

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  • Hand-made electric cars serve a niche market in Japan

    by Agence France-Presse

    The one-seater Milieu.TOYAMA, Japan—While auto manufacturing giants spend millions to develop environmentally friendly electric cars, one Japanese company has taken a more low-key approach, crafting hand-made “green” cars.

    Takeoka Jidosha Kogei may be the antithesis of the world’s Hondas and Nissans. The family-run business makes its cars from scratch in a garage workshop in the snowy foothills in the northwest of the country.

    There are no industrial robots or assembly lines in sight. Instead just a dozen mechanics craft each model by hand, right up to the finishing touch of adding a set of beady headlights to their “Milieu” range.

    The cars seem to owe much of their design to Japan’s manga cartoon tradition—their one-seater T-10 seems barely large enough for an adult driver, with just enough extra room left for a small pet, as requested by customers.

    The box-shaped two-door car—which is dubbed the “Eco-beagle” and comes in green, white, red, and canary yellow—has a relatively affordable price tag of $9,600.

    Company head Manabu Takeoka said he wants to change the image of minicars, which he said “are generally viewed as cars for the elderly, or for drivers who had their normal licences removed due to drunken driving.”

    “We’ve improved the shape of our latest model to make it cuter, to attract younger clients,” he said.

    Like other electric cars, it runs on a lithium-ion battery and can be charged from a conventional wall socket.

    The latest model can drive up to 45 miles at 37 miles per hour when fully charged.

    Takeoka’s cars are aimed at rural households, which often have more than one car, as opposed to the cities, where more people opt for public transport to avoid the cost of parking.

    The Takeoka lineup includes six models made from lightweight fiber-reinforced plastic, ranging from one- to four-seater cars. They measure less than 10 feet and weigh between 660 to 1,600 pounds.

    “People who buy our cars use them primarily to run errands or go shopping a few hundred meters from their homes. They don’t need to charge the cars on the road if they already did so at home,” said Takeoka.

    Takeoka began its business in 1981 by building minicars for the disabled.

    It started developing the electric cars in the 1990s with help from the local electricity company. Nearby Toyama University has since come on board, helping design the models.

    The company also makes electric minicars specially designed for railway companies to inspect tunnels.

    The electric cars may be a novelty, but they are unlikely to take the world by storm anytime soon, with sales currently at around 100 vehicles per year.

    Asked whether there are plans to ramp up production, Takeoka exclaimed: “The company cannot build that many!”

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  • Katrina victims seek to sue greenhouse-gas emitters

    by Agence France-Presse

    WASHINGTON—Victims of Hurricane Katrina are seeking to sue greenhouse gas-emitting multinationals for helping fuel global warming and boosting the devastating 2005 storm, legal documents showed Wednesday.

    The class action suit brought by residents from southern Mississippi, which was ravaged by hurricane-force winds and driving rains, was first filed just weeks after the August 2005 storm hit.

    “The plaintiffs allege that defendants’ operation of energy, fossil fuels, and chemical industries in the United States caused the emission of greenhouse gasses that contributed to global warming,” say the documents seen by AFP.

    The increase in global surface air and water temperatures “in turn caused a rise in sea levels and added to the ferocity of Hurricane Katrina, which combined to destroy the plaintiffs’ private property, as well as public property useful to them.”

    More than 1,200 people died in Hurricane Katrina, which lashed the area, swamping New Orleans in Louisiana when levees gave way under the weight of the waves.

    The suit, claiming compensation and punitive damages from multinational companies including Shell, ExxonMobil, BP, Chevron, Honeywell, and American Electric Power, has already passed several key legal hurdles, after initially being knocked back by the lowest court.

    Three federal appeals court judges decided in October 2009 that the case could be heard. But in February the same court decided to re-examine whether it could be heard, this time with nine judges.

    The residents charge that “the defendants’ greenhouse gas emissions caused saltwater, debris, sediment, hazardous substances, and other materials to enter, remain on, and damage plaintiffs’ property.” They allege that companies had a duty to “avoid unreasonably endangering the environment, public health, public and private property.”

    The district court, which initially rejected the case, ruled that it was “a debate which simply has no place in the court.” The court argued that Congress first had to enact legislation “which sets appropriate standards by which this court can measure conduct.”

    Mississippi residents must now wait for the appeals court to fix a new hearing, in principle within the next three months.

    A decision would then be due by the end of 2010, and both sides could also then take the case to the Supreme Court.

    Related Links:

    U.S. stops short of protection for western sage grouse

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    Sen. Blanche Lincoln faces a challenger from the left, but is he any better on the environment?






  • The N of an era: America’s nitrogen dilemma—and what we can do about it

    by Tom Philpott

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    There are three things on
    which the mighty engine of U.S. agriculture depends: water, fuel, and synthetic
    nitrogen. Like water, nitrogen is elemental to life. It’s the essential
    building block of the plants we eat.
    Farmers remove it from the soil when they harvest the year’s crop, and they
    must replenish it for the following year’s.

    Compared with water and fuel,
    nitrogen is actually in one sense quite plentiful: it makes up about 80 percent
    of the air we breathe. Yet for all that ubiquity, it’s also in a sense scarce:
    its extremely strong chemical bond—it exists in the air in triple-bonded
    pairs of nitrogen known as N2—makes it difficult for plants to use.

    The N of the world as we know it

    Less than 100 years ago, we
    learned—in the process of perfecting bomb-making technology—how to create
    readily available nitrogen on a vast scale. The introduction of mass-produced
    synthetic nitrogen fertilizer revolutionized agriculture, freeing farmers from
    the burdens of nitrogen fixation and allowing them to grow more food than ever before.
    Synthetic nitrogen revolutionized society, too: the explosion in crop yields
    that it helped drive made food cheaper and more plentiful than ever, setting the
    stage for the 20th century’s population boom.

    This series has explored how the annual cascade of synthetic nitrogen fertilizer isn’t just
    helping farmers grow tremendous quantities of food; it is also generating serious problems
    for soil quality, public health, the climate, and more. As my article on the
    geopolitics of our N dependency showed
    , the process of generating synthetic
    nitrogen requires massive amounts of increasingly scarce natural gas. (In China, the situation is even worse; that nation, the globe’s largest consumer
    of nitrogen, uses coal, a fuel source significantly dirtier than natural gas, to produce 70 percent of its N supply.)

    And because of the
    physiology of plants and the pressure to maximize yields, farmers routinely
    over-apply nitrogen. According to Peter Vitousek, a professor of biology at
    Stanford and a leading scholar on the nitrogen cycle, under optimum conditions
    and using best practices, plants take up only “50 or at best 60
    percent” of the nitrogen laid on by farmers. So
    if so much of their fertilizer is going to waste, why do farmers apply so much?
    Vitousek explained that plants
    take up different amounts of nitrogen at different points in the growing cycle.
    To ensure that crops have sufficient N when they need it most, farmers
    essentially have to over-apply.

    Globally,
    “about two-thirds of the nearly
    $100 billion of nitrogen fertilizer spread on fields each year is wasted,”
    estimates The
    Economist. That’s a lot of cash down the
    drain and a lot of nitrogen bleeding out of fields in various forms,
    wreaking all manner of havoc: Exhibit A, the 8,000-square-mile dead zone that
    blooms every year in the Gulf of Mexico, as Krysta Hozyash covered in this series.

    Infertile ground for techno-fixes

    But what to do about this genuine
    N dilemma? Our food system has become reliant on an input that appears to be
    unsustainable at current levels of use, while our population is growing. How
    can we maintain a robust, plentiful, growing food supply while also using less
    synthetic N?

    Encouragingly, that question
    is being asked more and more in policy and academic circles. Even the
    staunchest proponents of industrial-scale agriculture acknowledge the need to
    use synthetic N more efficiently. But to date government
    and agribusiness efforts to address the problem have focused on techno-fixes: for-profit
    efforts to preserve the current food system while making it more
    nitrogen-efficient. One such fix is seeds that
    are genetically modified to use nitrogen more efficiently. The U.S. seed giant
    Monsanto and the Israeli biotech firm Evogene are collaborating to identify
    genes that can “improve nitrogen use efficiency in corn, soybeans, canola
    and cotton,” the companies announced two years ago.

    And last fall, the Economist breathlessly heralded seeds
    engineered for nitrogen-use efficiency as “the next green revolution.”

    “Imagine,” the
    magazine wrote, “you could wave a magic wand and boost the yield of the
    world’s crops, cut their cost, use fewer-fossil fuels to grow them and reduce
    the pollution that results from farming. Imagine, too, that you could both
    eliminate some hunger and return some land to rain forest.”

    The subject of all this wonder: a gene identified by Arcadia Biosciences in Davis, Calif., that, when
    spliced into corn or rice, might helps crops “flourish” despite
    limited access to N. Yet even The
    Economist rated the technology’s ultimate prospects for success in the
    field as a “mighty big if.” Arcadia’s seeds remain in the trial
    stage.

    Peter Vitousek, a professor of biology at Stanford and a leading ecologistI asked Stanford’s Vitousek what he
    thought about GMO technology as a serious strategy for reducing nitrogen use.

    “There
    may be something there, but honestly, I think I gains [in nitrogen-use
    efficiency] will be marginal,” he replied. He explained that transgenic
    plant-breeding technologies work well for things like pest resistance: if you
    can isolate a gene that kills insects and express it in a crop—as Monsanto
    did with a gene from the Bt bacteria—then you have a blockbuster.

    But
    the process by which plants utilize nutrients is much more complex, and
    involves multiple genes working together, making it unlikely that a single gene
    could be a game changer. “Plants have been evolving for millions of
    years,” he said. “I doubt that plant breeders will be able to hit
    upon anything for nutrient utilization that nature already hasn’t tried.”

    Plant
    breeders, he emphasized, are “likely playing at the margins” when it
    comes to nitrogen-use efficiency.

    Another
    strategy is to push farmers to use best practices: align their N applications
    more closely with their crops’ needs, perform more soil testing, try applying a
    little less and see if yields hold steady, as Stephanie Ogburn summarized. But here,
    too, marginal results may be the most that can be hoped for.

    According
    to Vitousek, such efforts can push nitrogen-use efficiency up to the 50 percent
    or 60 percent level, but not much beyond. In other words, even using best
    practices, our farm fields are doomed to leak away 40 percent of the N applied.

    Eating and farming our way to sustainability

    Like all the experts I
    talked to, Vitousek argued that real progress in solving our N problem can only
    come with fundamental changes in both our eating habits and farms’ growing
    practices.

    Today, Americans consume an
    average of more than a half pound of meat per day each day. The
    livestock feed needed to generate all that meat—and our dairy and egg habits—consumes more than 40 percent [PDF] of our entire corn crop,
    by far the world’s largest. Today, U.S. farmers grow 42 percent of the globe’s
    corn, more than twice the level of their closest competitors, Chinese farmers. (That doesn’t count the rapidly growing amount of
    distillers grains, an industrial waste product from the corn-ethanol stream that
    ends up in livestock rations.)

    Corn is our most nitrogen-intensive
    crop; and every year it blankets our best farmland. Moving away from
    animal-intensive diets, and restricting what meat we do eat to livestock in
    pasture-based systems, would greatly ease our need for synthetic N.

    And just as consumers will
    have to break the meat habit, farmers have to change their ways, too. The
    corn-soy-corn rotation that holds sway in the Midwest is deeply ingrained (so
    to speak); it’s a tremendously productive system, underpinned by hundreds of
    millions of dollars in infrastructure. Think of all those vast grain elevators,
    concentrated-animal feedlot operations, and industrial-scale slaughterhouses,
    to speak nothing of billions in annual crop subsidies.

    Billions of dollars in
    profit for the meat and corn-processing industries rely on an ample supply of
    corn, and thus massive overuse of synthetic N. But if that inertia could be
    overcome—if new styles of agriculture could take root and flourish in
    farm-intensive areas like the Midwest—we could greatly decrease our reliance
    on synthetic N, Vitousek agreed.

    In organic agriculture, crop
    rotation is de rigueur. Moreover,
    organic farmers apply no synthetic N, relying instead on organic N from animal
    manure and nitrogen-fixing legume cover crops. Where synthetic nitrogen
    provides a jolt of plant energy, organic nitrogen releases slowly—and is
    typically better matched to a plant’s hunger than is synthetic. And when
    farmers plant a fall cover crop like winter rye, the crop pulls up much of the
    excess nitrogen, keeping it in the field for the next spring’s planting,
    instead of letting it run off into springs or entering the atmosphere as
    climate-warming nitrous oxide.

    “The principles of
    organic agriculture have a lot to say to us about maintaining nutrient balance in
    the soil and being able to sustain production in the long-term,” Vitousek
    said.

    Vitousek stressed that he
    wasn’t preaching “fundamentalism” with regard to organic agriculture—the emphasis should be on minimizing agrichemicals like synthetic N, not eliminating them. He draw a parallel with integrated pest management (IPM), which views
    pesticides as merely one in suite of tools to control pests, not the only tool. “Integrated nutrient
    management, which draws tremendously on organic principles, is a crucial way
    forward,” he emphasized.

    In the current
    agricultural/policy environment, “organic fundamentalism” seems like
    an unlikely problem to have to worry about—not when the USDA’s research head is worried about the “safety” of organically fertilized food—and even Vitousek’s vision of
    “integrated nutrient management” seems far-fetched. The idea that
    “organic can’t feed the world” has a stranglehold on public
    consciousness, thanks to million-dollar ad campaigns by biotechnology
    companies designed to muffle international research showing that world
    hunger would best be tackled with sustainable small-scale agriculture
    methods and by increasing access to the more-than-adequate world supply
    of calories.

    In addition to eating much
    less meat and buying organic when possible, N-conscious citizens should prepare
    to involve themselves in what promises to be a bitterly contested farm-policy
    debate. The 2012 Farm Bill may seem impossibly distant, but the lobbying for
    the principles that will form its foundation has already begun. The goal must
    be to shift federal funds from supporting large-scale corn production through
    commodity subsidies, to well-structured conservation programs that reward
    organic-style production.

    To get involved in that
    debate, keep an eye on the National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition, which will be pushing a progressive agenda.

    Related Links:

    USDA research chief concerned about ‘safety of organic food’

    Tracking down the public-health implications of nitrogen pollution

    King Corn airs complaints about USDA






  • Peepoo bags help the developing world take off a load

    by Ashley Braun

    A rotting Peepoo: what a load of crap.Photo: Sustainable sanitation via FlickrWhen poor people don’t have a loo,
    They pee and poo wherever it’s easy to,
    But it’s gross for them and the planet too.
    So Peepoople invented a biodegradable loo.
    It’s a little bag for doing numbers one and two,
    And after they planted it, they saw that it grew
    Tasty food for people to chaw and chew.
    Don’t sweat bad microbes on the doo-doo.
    This potty bag zaps them right off too.
    So if you can’t find a potty, get a clue,
    And pick up and plant the nearest PeePoo.

    Related Links:

    Is “Birdemic” the best/worst apocalyptic thriller of all time?

    What to do when haters diss livable communities

    Supermarket medleys are a fruit-smashing success






  • Teeny tiny tiny digs [slideshow]

    by Grist

    Urban apartment dwellers are nothing if not scrappy. New Yorkers, of course, are famous for stuffing themselves into shoe boxes with hotplates.  But there’s more to the story than affordability. More of us are choosing to minimize our footprint. Less space, less stuff, less stress. The cliche holds true in this sense: the less space we require, the more sustainable our cities become.

    If density is destiny, the apartments in the slideshows below are over-achieving examples.  You’ll never complain about closet space again.

    Got a closet?  You’ve got a bedroom.

     

    No closet for  your bedroom?  Then, by all means, make your bed part of the main decor.

     

    Where there’s a will, there’s a product.  Folks are ready to help you go micro, from kitchens in a tube to tubs in  sinks. 

    Related Links:

    Garden Girl TV: indoor gardening, part four






  • The ‘energy-only’ bill and Byron Dorgan’s deficit hypocrisy

    by David Roberts

    Sen. Byron Dorgan (D-N.D.) is fiscally responsible, a “deficit hawk” as they say in the biz, and like most people who self-identify with that label in Washington, he’s very keen for everyone to know it.  Back in September 2009, he urged President Obama to focus on reducing the deficit—indeed, said it should be the Dems’ top priority:

    The budget deficits are unsustainable, and the top priority for the President and the Congress must be to develop a strategy that will step us back from the increased federal debt that could undermine our economic future.

    Top priority. Got it.

    Fast forward to 2010. Right now, the Senate is getting ready to grapple with a climate/energy bill. There are two broad options on the table:

    A comprehensive climate and energy bill with some form of carbon pricing (to be determined); or
    an “energy-only” bill modeled on the one passed by the Senate Energy Committee last year.

    Here’s the difference between the two: the former spends lots of money on long overdue clean energy initiatives and pays for it; the latter spends lots of money on long overdue clean energy initiatives and doesn’t pay for it. Consequently, the former is likely to reduce the deficit and the latter is likely to raise it.

    Guess which one Byron “Deficit Hawk” Dorgan supports? Yup: the deficit-busting energy-only bill.

    This particular brand of hypocrisy isn’t limited to Dorgan. In fact, the voices in the Senate speaking out loudest against carbon pricing—the mechanism that pays for the energy bill—are the ones most identified with fiscal responsibility. (See: Mary Landrieu.)

    You could see this one of two ways. Perhaps it shows that deficit hawks are hypocrites who dodge tough choices—they’re “deficit peacocks,” as the Center for American Progress puts it. Or perhaps it shows that U.S. senators don’t have a very good grasp on what cap-and-trade is, or how it works. Or maybe both!

    Regardless, I don’t understand why this isn’t a bigger deal. Why don’t D.C. journos ever ask deficit hawks why they prefer energy policy that raises rather than reduces the deficit? I’ve literally never seen a lawmaker asked this question.

    Next time I get the chance, I’ll do it!

    ———

    The numbers

    The nonpartisan CBO scored the Kerry-Boxer bill (modeled on the House bill, ACES), which passed the Senate Environment Committee last year.  Result? It would reduce the deficit by $21 billion a year.

    The CBO also scored (PDF) the energy-only bill Dorgan wants, the American Clean Energy Leadership Act. Result? It would increase the deficit by $13 billion a year.

    Now, admittedly, no one’s quite sure what Kerry, Graham, and Lieberman are going to come up with. As of now it sounds like some kind of unholy hybrid, but it does contain carbon pricing mechanisms, so whatever its cost, it will be less than an energy-only bill with no revenue raising mechanism.

    (More here: Good climate policy is responsible fiscal policy.)

    Related Links:

    Why not structure climate bills to win popular support?

    Sen. Blanche Lincoln faces a challenger from the left, but is he any better on the environment?

    Myths and realities of cap-and-trade