Author: Grist – the Latest from Grist

  • Garden Girl TV: Indoor gardening, part one

    by Garden Girl

    I’ve taken over a
    small section of my house, the sun porch, and dedicated it to my
    indoor garden project for apartment dwellers as well as for the seedling
    factory for all my outdoor garden beds. This part of my house is south
    facing and gets pretty good natural light. I wanted to capitalize on the
    natural light so all the shelves in this area are up off the floor
    about fourteen inches so that as many shelves as possible can get the
    direct sunlight.  I measure the room and the space and then I
    draw out my ideas. By creating a design on paper I am able
    to go to catalogues and websites and make sure anything I need will fit
    and work in the space.

    This is part one of three.

    Need more Patti Moreno?  There’s a wealth of her helfpul videos for you at Garden Girl TV.

     

    Related Links:

    Garden Girl TV: Four-season gardening

    The incredible edible urban jungle [slideshow]

    Still another critic of real food – this time in the NYT






  • Obama’s ‘director of game changers’ talks energy breakthroughs

    by Jonathan Hiskes

    Arun Majumdar, director of the Advanced Research Projects Agency-Energy, spoke at the University of Washington last Friday on the need to fund ambitious energy research.Grist photo/Jonathan Hiskes

    When the Soviet Sputnik beat American satellites into space in 1957, the U.S. tried to reclaim its technological edge by creating the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, which pursued high-risk, high-payoff tech breakthroughs. DARPA contributed to the creation of GPS, speech-recognition algorithm … and the internet.

    One could say the U.S. is facing three energy Sputniks now—its foreign-oil dependence, its diminishing technological lead, and climate change. Energy Secretary Steven Chu hopes that a new agency modeled after DARPA—Advanced Research Projects Agency-Energy—will bring similar breakthroughs in the energy field. He placed a former colleague from Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, mechanical engineer Arun Majumdar, in charge of ARPA-E. Last fall the agency awarded $400 million in stimulus-act funding to 37 projects (see a list). Another round of funding will be announced in April.

    Majumdar visited Seattle last week to talk energy with Bill Gates, meet with venture capitalists, and speak at the University of Washington Department of Computer Science & Engineering. I caught up with him after his speech for an interview in the back of a decidedly non-high-tech minivan.

    Q. What advances in energy technology are you excited about these days?

    A. Storage. Let’s say we create battery technology that improves hybrid electric vehicles. You can then use electricity to run our cars, and that becomes part of our energy security. The other part is carbon-capture technology for coal.

    Storage in general is a huge missing piece in the grid today. If you can get it cost effectively, that’s a game-changer.

    Q. You’re funding some storage-related projects?

    A. We are. We thought it would be useful to have a little competition with those people that we invested in. So we had a workshop on storage to see what else is out there. And there are some very interesting things out there. We might be investing in them later on.

    Q. So what stocks should our readers be buying?

    A. [Laughs] No comment.

    Q. You mentioned that only 10 or 15 percent of ARPA-E projects might succeed. That’s a low success rate.

    A. It’s a rough number. It’s certainly not going to be 90 percent succeeding, because we are aiming for transformational ideas.

    Q. How do you explain to the public why it’s important to make these high-risk investments?

    A. I’ll use a quote by Wayne Gretzky: “You miss 100 percent of the shots you don’t try.” So we’ve got to try.  If you look back in history at what the best entrepreneurs and technologists have done, it’s not that they’ve never failed. When you ask the best, most famous people, you learn they have failed. But they have failed and learned quickly from it. That’s what we want the teams to do.

    Q. Let’s talk nuclear energy. Did you see something change that led President Obama to talk up nuclear in the State of the Union and announce loan guarantees for new reactors in Georgia this month?

    A. The president has said very clearly that nuclear power is clean and has to be part of our mix. It’s something we invented and it produces 20 percent of [U.S.] electricity today. If you don’t do anything, that percentage will go down, but we want to increase it.

    Q. The simple argument against nuclear power is that private investors don’t want to touch it, only governments will invest in it, and that this should tell you everything you need to know about its viability.

    A. That’s not quite true. Loan guarantees are essentially to get someone to put up the loan. One of the projects in the [Department of Energy’s] Office of Nuclear Energy is to extend the life of nuclear plants that were going to be decommissioned, because they have recuperated the initial investment, and now they’re money-makers.

    Another idea is that there are coal-fired power plants that will be decommissioned someday. If you build a nuclear plant in the same location as a coal plant, you don’t have to worry about the cost of transmission lines. The infrastructure is already there.

    Q. What’s the future for rooftop solar and other forms of distributed energy, or local energy?

    A. The question is cost. If the cost of rooftop photovoltaic [solar] drops and the fully installed price comes down, I think we’ll see a lot of that happen. On the regulatory front, with siting and licensing issues, distributed energy is much easier. If you put up a hundred-megawatt solar plant, you need to get all kinds of permits. There’s a cost to that.

    Q. You’ve got a department called ‘Marketing and Decision Science.’ What’s that about?

    A. We can and should do a lot of supply-side energy—generation, photovoltaic, biofuels, etc. But the other side of energy is demand. How do people use energy and how do we provide information so that they use it in a different way? That’s something I’m quite interested in and I haven’t thought through very deeply, but we’re looking for innovative ideas out there.

    Q. You mentioned in your talk that, with DARPA, there was a buyer right there in the Department of Defense. With energy, you’ve got to figure out who the buyer is going to be.

    A. That’s a complex challenge, but I like complex challenges. The secretary and all of our senior leadership are very interested in looking at this.

    Q. I always hear that Silicon Valley culture is action-oriented and responsive, and you learn things and change course quickly. Washington’s reputation is different. What’s the transition been like?

    A. I have to wear a tie. I have been in academic and research culture which happens to be in Silicon Valley and it’s hard to avoid investment communities out there. But I’ve worked with the secretary in the past and he has given his 100 percent support for ARPA-E. Without that kind of support, perhaps I would have just stayed back in Berkeley.

    The other thing that is very rewarding is that I get to see some amazing ideas being proposed. I never got to see that being in an academic institution or a national lab. And I’m very optimistic from what I’m seeing. If we can get a few of those innovations to a maturity level that can then balloon and blossom in the private sector, we would really be in great shape. So that is very rewarding.

    Q. If you could wave a wand and instantly change one thing about the political structure, what would it be?

    A. I don’t want to change political structures. I don’t understand politics—I’m a techie. I’m serving the nation and after a few years, I’ll go back and be a scientist and engineer.

    This is a condensed and edited version of the interview, which took place on Feb. 18.

    Related Links:

    Energy Secretary Steven Chu posts his nuclear rationale on Facebook

    Electric bikes on a roll in China

    All-electric plug-in project seeks to make the family car a cash cow






  • Seattle to go carbon neutral?

    by David Roberts

    Over at top-notch young Seattle news site Publicola, Erica Barnett brings news of what could be a momentous decision by the Seattle City Council: to set about making Seattle a carbon-neutral city.

    From the Council’s 2010 Priorities:

    CARBON NEUTRALITY
    Adopt a carbon neutral goal for Seattle with specific milestones and   implementation steps, along with a plan for adaptation to the effects   of climate change.

    No specific timeline is mentioned but sponsors Mike O’Brien & Richard Conlin have talked about 2020 or 2030. The first time I heard about the idea was from Alex Steffen, who challenged the city to adopt the goal at his two-night Town Hall engagement (you really should watch the videos at that link). For more on what it would mean, see “Defining a ‘Carbon Neutral’ City” on Worldchanging.

    I thought newly elected mayor Mike McGinn’s response to the Council struck just the right note:

    “Let’s be very clear,” he said. “I support carbon neutrality as a goal. But we’ve been down this path of politicians setting ambitious goals and not following through before”—a reference to his predecessor Greg Nickels’ vow to reduce emissions below 1990 levels, in line with the Kyoto Protocols, by 2012.

    “We have a goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions, but we’re building a bigger 520, we’re building an auto-only facility on our waterfront, we’re not funding the bike master plan,” which is on track to be underfunded by 70 percent. “The question isn’t what the goals should be. The question should be, how do you get there?”

    Exactly. This is a welcome statement of commitment from the Council, but the real test will be the individual battles on the ground. Will the Council support the Mayor in his power struggles with Olympia for local control over transportation infrastructure decisions? Will they help him overcome the neighborhood NIMBYs? Targets are noble but they’re relatively easy. We’ll see if McGinn and the Council can get it together to really make it happen.

    Sure would be cool though.

    Related Links:

    Two books that blew my mind

    Walking: A simple focus for the Smart Growth movement

    My whiz-bang light rail is your pain in the asphalt






  • Cleveland, worker-owned co-ops, and new ideas for a flailing economy

    by Tom Philpott

    Is the way forward for our ailing economy to be found along the banks of Lake Erie?

    Despite talk of a recovery, the national economy remains in shambles. In Sunday’s New York Times, reporter Peter Goodman brought devastating news:

    Economists fear that the nascent recovery will leave more people behind than in past recessions, failing to create jobs in sufficient numbers to absorb the record-setting ranks of the long-term unemployed.

    Call them the new poor: people long accustomed to the comforts of middle-class life who are now relying on public assistance for the first time in their lives—potentially for years to come.

    Goodman reports that 6.3 million working-age Americans have been unemployed for at least six months—the highest level in decades, and more than twice the number reached during the 1982-‘83 recession.

    Goodman’s article reminds me of something I’ve been saying since the financial meltdowns of 2008: the economic models that have held sway since the late 1970s, which were geared to maximizing global trade by transnational corporations, have been discredited, even on their own terms. They don’t generate broadly distributed wealth, they don’t create enough well-paying, skilled jobs, and they’re extremely vulnerable to shocks, wherein the public is obliged to pick up the tab for reckless bankers, who then trot merrily on their way. Worse still, the old models tend to plunder ecosystems and threaten the habitability of the planet (see change, climate).

    I had hoped that the crisis, coming right in the middle of a national election, would inspire a fundamental rethinking of our economic policies—especially after Barack Obama won decisively. But then the new president started placing people like Larry Summers and Tim Geithner in key economic policy positions. Both are protégés of the old regime’s name-brand architect—former Goldman Sachs, Citigroup, and Treasury guru Robert Rubin; and both have plenty of prestige invested in propping it back up again.

    Despite all the talk—idle, so far—of fundamental financial reform, the plan seems to be to patch up the economy, puff up yet another asset bubble, and hope that enough jobs eventually get created to push unemployment down. From the perspective of large holders of stock, it’s working—the S&P 500 is now trading some 60 percent above its March 2009 trough. But for most workers, it’s failing miserably—unemployment hovers stubbornly near 10 percent, etc.

    Happily, on the ground, many people aren’t waiting for warmed-over Rubinism to protect their old jobs or create new ones.

    In a must-read article in the March 1 issue of The Nation, Gar Alperovitz, Ted Howard, and Thad Williamson lay out what they call the “Cleveland Model,” a reference to that city’s emerging complex of worker-owned businesses under the Evergreen Cooperatives umbrella.

    The key enterprise in the Cleveland initiative is the Evergreen Cooperative laundry, “a worker-owned, industrial-size, thoroughly ‘green’ operation” that “opened its doors late last fall in Glenville, a neighborhood with a median income hovering around $18,000,” The Nation reports. Overall in Cleveland, the poverty rate stands at about 30 percent; the population has halved since 1950. The hollowed-out city, like Detroit, Pittsburgh, and other rust-belt metropolises, stands as a stark rebuke to 30-plus years of de-industrialization and corporate-dominated globalization.

    While these are “not your traditional small-scale co-ops,” the authors report, they are also not faceless entities that turn workers into cogs in a vast machine. The authors write:

    The Evergreen model draws heavily on the experience of the Mondragon Cooperative Corporation in the Basque Country of Spain, the world’s most successful large-scale cooperative effort (now employing 100,000 workers in an integrated network of more than 120 high-tech, industrial, service, construction, financial and other largely cooperatively owned businesses).

    The vision sounds a lot like the loose network of small but interconnected entities described by Jane Jacobs in her still-vital 1970 book The Economy of Cities—a model that facilitates both innovation and stability. (Jacobs famously contrasted two cities from Victorian England: “Efficient Manchester,” with its monolithic, export-minded, short-lived textile industry, and “Inefficient Birmingham,” with its durable labyrinth of small, overlapping, self-regenerating enterprises.)

    To fund the Evergreen initiatives, the project’s founders have been resourceful: they’ve cobbled together funds from a combination of local foundations, banks, and city government, The Nation reports. And get this:

    An important aspect of the plan is that each of the Evergreen co-operatives is obligated to pay 10 percent of its pre-tax profits back into the fund to help seed the development of new jobs through additional co-ops. Thus, each business has a commitment to its workers (through living-wage jobs, affordable health benefits and asset accumulation) and to the general community (by creating businesses that can provide stability to neighborhoods).

    Besides the laundry, Evergreen also runs Ohio Solar Cooperative, which installs PV solar panels on commercial and government buildings and provides weatherization to homes. The group will soon roll out Green City Growers Cooperative, a “a 100% worker-owned, hydroponic, food production greenhouse.”

    To hear The Nation tell it, Evergreen has a pretty savvy business plan:

    The overall strategy is not only to go green but to design and position all the worker-owned co-ops as the greenest firms within their sectors. This is important in itself, but even more crucial is that the new green companies are aiming for a competitive advantage in getting the business of hospitals and other anchor institutions trying to shrink their carbon footprint.

    So here we have a nexus wherein the somewhat hazy “green jobs” vision can come to fruition—empowered workers, earning a living wage, pushing the economy in a more ecologically sane direction. With businesses like the Evergreen co-ops in place, fast results can be expected when cities roll out pledges of carbon neutrality, as Seattle just has. Van Jones, ludicrously exiled from the Obama administration, where art thou?

    And food, I hasten to add, can be a major force in bringing this vision to light. Even in the poorest neighborhoods in Cleveland, people spend about $1,000 per capita on food. The city is notorious for its gaping food deserts; thousands of people have to travel large distances for fresh food, and/or pay exorbitant prices for it; unemployment is high. With its plan to grow fresh produce in the city center, Evergreen’s Green City Growers Cooperative can, in one swoop, ameliorate all of those problems—and retain much of that $1,000 per head in food expenditures within the city.

    All over the country, such initiatives are already providing a measure of economic stability as well as access to high-quality food. In New England, the once-dying mill town of Hardwick, Vt., has revamped its entire economy around food enterprises. To prove that I’m not reflexively anti-trade, I’ll note that the town’s food economy is anchored by High Mowing Seeds, a leading nation-wide provider of organic seeds. But High Mowing works closely with enterprises geared to the local market, Marian Burros reported in a 2008 New York Times piece:

    Cooperation takes many forms. Vermont Soy stores and cleans its beans at High Mowing, which also lends tractors to High Fields, a local composting company. Byproducts of High Mowing’s operation—pumpkins and squash that have been smashed to extract seeds—are now being purchased by Pete’s Greens and turned into soup. Along with 40,000 pounds of squash and pumpkin, Pete’s bought 2,000 pounds of High Mowing’s cucumbers this year and turned them into pickles.

    The Hardwick example teaches us that robust economies are built upon interlocking enterprises of a variety of scales and with a variety of business plans, geared mainly to local commerce but not limited to it. (I was excited to learn Monday that a Vermont farmer named Ben Hewitt is bringing out a book next month called The Town That Food Saved: How One Community Found Vitality in Local Food.)

    Both the Cleveland and Hardwick models point to a kind of new, new urbanism: vibrant economies that give residents a direct stake in the greening of their communities and health of their neighbors. Our economic policymakers should forget about propping up too-big-to-survive-on-their-own banks, and start figuring out how to support and leverage these efforts.

    Related Links:

    Organic grain miller goes employee-owned

    Veggies not challenging enough? Try home ‘aquaponic’ gardening

    Me, on Edible Radio






  • What the heck is a Bloom Box and will it solve the world’s energy problems?

    by Ashley Braun

    The internet loves mysterious product unveilings, especially those promising to revolutionize the world and how we live in it. (Think Apple’s iPhone.) But few (except for maybe the iPhone) actually live up to the hype. (Or so I hear. Anyone wanna get me an iPhone?)

    CEO K.R. Sridhar is starting to peel back the layers of secrecy from his magic boxes like a Bloomin’ onion.

    Now, after nearly a decade of secrecy, Bloom Energy CEO K.R. Sridhar is coming out of the shadows to tell the world how his “Bloom Box” will do all of this and more as a “zero-emissions” mini-power plant. Bloom Energy debuted its heady energy dreams in an exclusive interview on 60 Minutes this past Sunday, with the company’s official launch to come on Wednesday at early customer eBay’s California headquarters. Google, Wal-Mart, and FedEx have also been quietly testing these heavily-subsidized magic boxes on their premises, with encouraging energy and cost savings thus far.

    But, zero emissions? A backyard power plant-in-a-box? Sounds fancy, but what is a Bloom Box and is it really the next “energy breakthrough”?

    The Bloom Box is a fuel cell, not an energy source.

    According to CBS, it’s “a new kind of fuel cell, which is like a very skinny battery that always runs. Sridhar feeds oxygen to it on one side, and fuel on the other. The two combine within the cell to create a chemical reaction that produces electricity. There’s no need for burning or combustion, and no need for power lines from an outside source.”

    But the box still requires a fuel source, which 60 Minutes interviewer Lesley Stahl glosses over in a few sentences:

    To make power, you’d still need fuel. Many past fuel cells failed because they needed expensive pure hydrogen. Not this box.

    “Our system can use fossil fuels like natural gas. Our system can use renewable fuels like landfill gas, bio-gas,” Sridhar told Stahl. “We can use solar.”

    CNN’s Fortune Brainstorm blog explains things a little better:

    “Hydrocarbons such as natural gas or biofuel (stored in an adjacent tank) are pumped into the Bloom Box—ceramic plates stacked atop each other to form modules that can be assembled into a unit of any size—and out comes abundant, reliable, cleaner electricity.”

    (Take a look here for a few reasons natural gas isn’t always the “cleaner electricity” it’s made out to be.)

    UPDATE: The original quote by the Christian Science Monitor incorrectly tried to explain how the Bloom Box might use renewable vs. fossil fuels. CO2 would not be emitted from “whatever power plant is feeding the Bloom Box,” but instead, would be a by-product of the methane fuel feeding it (whether it’s from natural gas or landfill gas). Fuel could not (and should not) come directly from solar or wind, because that’s an inefficient use of electricity, which is difficult to store and should be used immediately. The “zero emissions” claim only holds up in the same way that biofuels take CO2 out of the system upstream. Bloom Boxes would likely be using natural gas most of the time, which is far from zero emissions.

    Venture capitol blog VentureBeat hones in on some of the more interesting points about this invention:

    “Right now, it’s available on a large scale, with each box costing as much as $800,000. In the next five to ten years, Bloom says it will release smaller boxes for individual households costing less than $3,000. If this happens, there is a chance that Bloom Boxes could [supplant] utilities and long-distance transmission lines—not to mention capital intensive wind farms and solar arrays.”

    I could imagine these boxes perhaps replacing million-dollar-a-mile transmission lines, but I doubt the Bloom Box will electrify the power industry if it’s supposedly replacing many of the clean energy sources it would require for fuel.

    And with this list of 10 Fuel Cell Startups Hot On Bloom Energy’s Trail, Earth2Tech emphasizes that Bloom isn’t the only company out there trying to master fuel cell technology: “In fact, stationary fuel cells—devices that chemically convert hydrogen into electricity and water, or hydrogen-containing fuels into power, water and various byproducts—are already a highly-populated industry.” 

    Here’s the best analogy I’ve come up with for the potential of the Bloom Box: It isn’t the internet; that would be the fuel, which may or may not be renewable. The Bloom Box is more akin to the wireless router—rather than the dial-up modem—that gets the internet to your laptop (aka your house). But right now it’s one heck of a pricey router.

    Watch the 60 Minutes interview with Lesley Stahl:

    Related Links:

    The economics of the Bloom Box

    Van Jones is back

    Climate meeting in April will aim to revive U.N. process






  • Climate meeting in April will aim to revive U.N. process

    by Agence France-Presse

    COPENHAGEN—Talks will take place in April under the U.N. flag for planning the next steps in the effort toward a global treaty on climate change, Danish Minister for Climate and Energy Lykke Friis said Monday.

    The April 9-11 meeting will take place in Bonn, Germany, gathering senior officials of signatories of the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), said Friis, whose country currently chairs the negotiating process.

    The date was set at a meeting of the UNFCCC bureau, tasked with drawing up a calendar of meetings for 2010 in the aftermath of the controversial climate summit in Copenhagen in December, the Danish news agency Ritzau said.

    Negotiators will be asked to sketch out a work program for the end of the year, it said.

    The December meeting in Copenhagen yielded a last-minute compromise deal brokered by around two dozen countries, but it failed to get official backing from the entire forum.

    The so-called Copenhagen Accord sets a goal of limiting warming to 2 degrees C and pledges nearly $30 billion in aid to poor countries in total by 2012. But it does not spell out the means for achieving the 2 c objective, and the emissions pledges made under it are only voluntary.

    Green groups and scientists say the document falls far short of what is necessary for tackling the problem posed by greenhouse gases.

    The document did not gain approval at a UNFCCC plenary session and so far has not been officially endorsed by major developing emitters that helped craft it.

    As a result, there is confusion as to how the accord fits into the highly complex two-track, 194-nation process toward a climate agreement. Some negotiators privately say the accord has little future other than as a benchmark of political will.

    The April meeting adds to the two other scheduled dates in the UNFCCC calendar this year.

    One meeting will take at the level of senior officials in Bonn from May 31 to June 11. The next, starting at the official level but ending at the ministerial level, will take place in Mexico from Nov. 29 to Dec. 10.

    Related Links:

    Van Jones is back

    What the heck is a Bloom Box and will it solve the world’s energy problems?

    Electric bikes on a roll in China






  • Newsweek plays fast and loose with facts in climate story

    by Joseph Romm

    Another day, another major media outlet libels Michael Mann—and James Hansen.

    In a new black eye for Newsweek, their lengthy attack on climate scientists has been exposed as relying on massaged data and tawdry innuendo. While they have already corrected a number of mistakes, they left a bunch in, and decided not to change the overall theme of their now baseless story. That would have meant gutting the sensationalistic headline and visuals they apparently believe they need to grab eyeballs for their ever-shrinking magazine.

    But Newsweek needs to do more than simply change a few egregious mistakes in its piece.  They need to issue an apology to Mann and Hansen—and Al Gore—and a big-time retraction.

    Right now, their credibility on the entire energy and climate issue is hanging by a rapidly melting icicle—see Media stunner: Newsweek partners with oil lobby to raise ad cash, host energy and climate events with lawmakers—while publishing the uber-greenwashing story, “Big Oil Goes Green for Real.” Indeed, their dubious partnership with Big Oil makes this climate story doubly problematic.

    Memo to scientists:  You need to figure out  a new communications strategy in a world where much of the media places more weight on a few discredited anti-science disinformers repeating long-debunked falsehoods a hundred times than they do on two major exonerations by leading academics and the country’s top scientists.

    Here’s the scoop. Newsweek decides to do this big attack on climate scientists. They gin up a clever headline (with visual to match) and a nasty subhed:

    Iceberg Ahead

    Climate scientists who play fast and loose with the facts are imperiling not just their profession but the planet.

    But who are these “Climate scientists who play fast and loose with the facts” that are defamed but unnamed in the subhed?

    Newsweek first built their entire case mainly around an attack on Dr. Michael Mann—even though they knew that Mann and his work have been completely vindicated by two major reviews (which is what makes the attacks libelous).

    Needless to say, when you’ve been vindicated as much as Mann has, the only way you can be attacked this way is with a bunch of long-debunked talking points from the anti-science crowd. Fortunately, before full publication, they were called out in many of their mistakes and changed some of them. But they left key smears behind.

    It is getting quite tiresome to have to debunk this crap for the umpteenth time, but what else can we do if big-time media outlets insist on shilling disinformation for the disinformers? I’m not going to go through every point in detail because Newsweek is in the process of fixing the most egregious errors online (without apparently telling readers just how many errors the piece had). The print edition will apparently still have a number of mistakes.

    If Newsweek eliminated every mistake in the piece and every baseless smear, they wouldn’t have a story left.

    Indeed, they jump the shark right from the very first paragraph:

    One of the most impressive visuals in Al Gore’s now famous slide show on global warming is a graph known as the “hockey stick.” It shows temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere rising slowly for most of the last thousand years and turning steeply upward in the last half of the 20th century. As evidence of the alarming rate of global warming, it tells a simple and compelling story. That’s one reason the U.N.‘s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change included the graph in the summary of its 2001 report. But is it true?

    The question occurred to Steven McIntyre when he opened his newspaper one morning in 2002 and there it was—the hockey stick. It was published with an article on the debate over whether Canada should ratify the Kyoto agreement to curb greenhouse-gas emissions. McIntyre had little knowledge of the intricate science of climate change; he didn’t even have a Ph.D. He did have a passion for numbers, however. He also had some experience in the minerals business, where, he says, people tend to use hockey-stick graphs when they are trying to pull one over on you. “Reality usually isn’t so tidy.”

    As every climate scientist must know by now, McIntyre’s skepticism of the hockey stick launched him on a midlife career change: he has become the granddaddy of the global warming “denial” movement. McIntyre asserted that the data of Michael Mann, head of Penn State’s Earth System Science Center, did not support his conclusions …

    This is grotesquely unprofessional.

    Newsweek knows (and later writes) that Mann’s hockey stick was in fact vindicated by the National Academy of Sciences review years after McIntyre started pushing his disinformation. Newsweek apparently has no clue that the hockey stick has been replicated and strengthened by numerous independent researchers. My favorite recent study is from Science last year—see Human-caused Arctic warming overtakes 2,000 years of natural cooling, “seminal” study finds.

    But here’s the more grotesque unprofessionalism. Al Gore does not use Mann’s graph!  And Newsweek never even bothered to interview Gore!!

    In fact, if Newsweek had bothered to even look at Gore’s book, An Inconvenient Truth (pages 60 – 65), they’d learn that Gore uses the slide from Dr. Lonnie Thompson, noting of Mann’s work, “but in fact, scientists have confirmed the same basic conclusions in multiple ways—with Thompson’s ice core record as one of the most definitive.”

    UPDATE:  Newsweek has corrected a few more mistakes, rendering the subhed smear and entire story even more devoid of substantiating detail. They write: “Editor’s note: This story was corrected to acknowledge that Al Gore’s slide show used data from a hockey-stick study other than Michael Mann’s,  that Mann made all the data germane to the study available online, and that Mann’s study data stopped at 1980.” I look forward to seeing how they rewrite the piece to fix the Gore error (which they hadn’t done as of 10 pm ET on Sunday).

    Here’s even more grotesque unprofessionalism. The reports and editors take at face value every single thing McIntyre says—even though he has been widely debunked again and again (see, for instance, the entire category on him at Deltoid)—whereas they simply repeat every utterly debunked smear they can find against Mann—even though they know they are false charges.

    Even after fixing the most egregious mistakes, here is what Newsweek says of Mann’s methods:

    It also required some massaging of the data. This is not to say Mann was conspiring to deceive; the National Academy of Sciences gave this work a thumbs-up in a 2006 review. The troubles started after the results were published, when McIntyre began asking Mann for his data. McIntyre says Mann gave him raw data, but not the meta-data needed to make sense of them. Mann insists that he handed over all the data it was in his power to divulge. Some of the most damning passages in the climate­gate ­emails, however, involve some of the scientists discussing ways of fending off requests from McIntyre and other bloggers. Penn State recently cleared Mann of wrongdoing.

    Massaging of the data?

    Here’s what Penn State found (see “Penn State inquiry finds no evidence for allegations against Michael Mann”).

    After careful consideration of all the evidence and relevant materials, the inquiry committee finding is that there exists no credible evidence that Dr. Mann had or has ever engaged in, or participated in, directly or indirectly, any actions with an intent to suppress or to falsify data. While a perception has been created in the weeks after the CRU emails were made public that Dr. Mann has engaged in the suppression or falsification of data, there is no credible evidence that he ever did so, and certainly not while at Penn State.

    But Newsweek still floats the notion of “conspiring to deceive” if only to say that that isn’t what they are saying. Hmm, perhaps I should write of Newsweek‘s article, “this is not to say that Newsweek was conspiring to deceive its readers.” As experts on communication know, people don’t register negatives strongly so, as George Lakoff says, when someone says “don’t think of an elephant,” an elephant immediately pops to mind.

    Note how the author cleverly sticks in the part about “the most damning passages in the climate­gate ­emails, however, involve some of the scientists discussing ways of fending off requests from McIntyre and other bloggers.” Except, of course, Mann was exonerated of wrongdoing on this issue.

    Note also how Newsweek cleverly places the phrase “the troubles started” after The National Academy review and vindication, when in fact their own story makes clear the Academy vindication came years after McIntyre started (see NAS Report and here). The news story in the journal Nature (subs. req’d) on the NAS panel was headlined: “Academy affirms hockey-stick graph!”

    This is not to say that Newsweek was conspiring to deceive its readers. After all, why take the word of an exhaustive analysis by our most prestigious scientific panel and his university’s academic review when a widely discredited disinformer keeps saying over and over and over and over again that something is wrong?

    In fact, all of Mann’s data has been online since 2000—and here is all the climate data anyone could want. But nothing satisfies the anti-science crowd and their ideological allies, who just keep attacking and making stuff up, hoping that somebody in the media will be gullible enough to reprint their falsehoods unchallenged (see “Independent” critique of Hockey Stick revealed as fatally flawed right-wing anti-science set up).

    So Mann is not an example of “Climate scientists who play fast and loose with the facts” and Newsweek knew it when they published the piece. So if not Mann, who are these “Climate scientists”?

    The first thing to fix is the institution that has borne the brunt of the recent public-relations disaster: the IPCC itself. Recently there have been several minor revelations of sloppiness. A line in the group’s 2007 report stating that glaciers in the Himalayas will melt entirely by 2035 turns out to have come not from the peer-reviewed literature, but from a 1999 article in New Scientist, a popular magazine in the U.K.

    Well, “minor revelations of sloppiness” certainly doesn’t equate with “Climate scientists who play fast and loose with the facts,” so Newsweek has thankfully exonerated the IPCC.

    More damaging, IPCC chairman Pachauri has been acting as a consultant to financial institutions, including Deutsche Bank and Pegasus, an investment firm. Although he says he has donated the proceeds to the nonprofit organization he founded in Delhi to promote charitable programs in sustainability, many people have wondered whether the head of a scientific organization that calls itself “policy neutral” should be consulting with banks. Some have called for his resignation.

    Pachauri isn’t a climate scientist and in any case these are not accusations of playing fast and loose with the facts. Moreover, as climatologist Ken Caldeira emailed me when the NY Times published similar charges, “For a man with a $49,000 salary, donating all of his consulting fees to nonprofit organizations would ordinarily be seen as a sign of professional integrity and dedication.”

    And here’s where Newsweek really implodes:

    Other scientists have gone further than Pachauri in casting aside the appearance of impartiality. James Hansen—head of the NASA Goddard Institute for Space Studies and adjunct professor in the department of earth and environmental sciences at Columbia University—has unimpeachable scientific credentials. He was a pioneer in building computer simulations of climate and piecing together the temperature record. But in recent years he’s become an unabashed advocate for draconian cuts in greenhouse gases, coming out against cap-and-trade—the preferred mechanism of the IPCC and its parent, the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change, to limit greenhouse-gas emissions by setting a ceiling and allowing countries to trade emissions credits. He has also gotten himself arrested while protesting mountaintop coal mining in West Virginia last summer. Has his and his colleagues’ advocacy come at the expense of their scientific reputations? “Absolutely,” says Hansen. “But what are we supposed to do? Tell our grandchildren to buzz off, that we don’t give a darn about them?”

    That paragraph boggles the mind. In an article whose primary aim is to identify “Climate scientists who play fast and loose with the facts,” the climate scientist Newsweek devotes the second most amount of ink attacking is the country’s top climatologist—and the only thing they can criticize him for is having the courage of his convictions.

    Apparently Newsweek believes climate scientists should be seen and not heard. So if a scientist with impeccable credentials who has been researching this for decades determines that unrestricted greenhouse gas emissions would have devastating consequences for billions of people, he or she must just shut up about that for fear of “casting aside the appearance of impartiality.”

    It’s like saying your doctor can diagnose you with diabetes and warn that your health is at grave risk, but if he or she actually offers a treatment, they are immediately discredited.

    Newsweek tosses in this piece of editorial nonsense:

    The hockey-stick saga is an example of why advocacy and hubris may have been the wrong reaction to the assault of McIntyre & Co.

    Huh? The “advocacy” wasn’t a response to the anti-science crowd, it was a response to the science, which shows catastrophic consequences on our current emissions path—and perhaps to the dreadful media reporting which has failed to explain that to the public and policymakers. And all the hockey-stick saga shows is that no matter how many times research is vindicated or replicated, the media will continue to be suckered into a criticizing it as long as a bunch of disinformers keep questioning it.  But I digress.

    So, again, who exactly are these climate scientists playing fast and loose with the truth?  The entire charge boils down to this virtually unintelligible final paragraph:

    Twenty years ago, before anybody outside a small circle of meteorologists cared about climate, Phil Jones completed a study that reads like a parody of dull science. Called “Assessment of Urbanization Effects in Time Series of Surface Air Temperature Over Land,” it was essentially a look at thermometers around the world. Even Al Gore probably gave it a miss. For the past few months, however, tabloid headlines (climategate chaos and how climategate boss broke rules by hiding key data) have screamed at Jones for missing documents that don’t have an impact on the study’s results, among other indiscretions. Last week Jones told Nature that his team’s handling of the missing documents from the 1990 study was “not acceptable.” It was a welcome moment of contrition from one of the world’s eminent scientists. If we’re lucky, it will mark a turning point. [Emphasis mine.]

    The bold sentence doesn’t make bloody much sense, but the point seems to be that Jones’s missing documents aren’t consequential. Duh. In fact, as Nature itself reported, Jones said what he did was sloppy and “not best practice,” but not intentional and again not consequential:

    Jones says that he did not know that the weather stations’ locations were questionable when they were included in the paper, but as the study’s lead author he acknowledges his responsibility for ensuring the quality of the data. So will he submit a correction to Nature? “I will give that some thought. It’s worthy of consideration,” he says.

    “The science still holds up” though, he adds. A follow-up study verified the original conclusions for the Chinese data for the period 1954–1983, showing that the precise location of weather stations was unimportant. “They are trying to pick out minor things in the data and blow them out of all proportion,” says Jones of his critics.

    Like a true scientist, Jones takes responsibility for unintentional mistakes and failing to follow best practice, even if it has no bearing on the scientific conclusions.

    So this is all Newsweek has to justify its own tabloid headlines. The magazine can’t identify any actual consequential mistakes and doesn’t identify any evidence a single scientist was “playing fast and loose with the truth”—which is to say, recklessly and knowingly trying to deceive. Newsweek‘s authors and editors, on the other hand, have made a number of consequential mistakes here, and recklessly focus on Mann in their attack piece even though they know he has been twice vindicated. And I still can’t figure out how they possibly justify including Hansen in this piece.

    This is not to say that Newsweek was conspiring to deceive its readers. But they need to issue an apology to Mann and Hansen—and Al Gore—and a big-time retraction of the whole damn piece.

    Finally, the Newsweek article is by Fred Guterl with Daniel Stone and Craig Simons. But there’s no way an article like this doesn’t get signed off on by senior editors—particularly given the potential libel involved and how little new material the editors have to review in the ever shrinking newsweekly.

    It’d be very welcome to see a moment of contrition from one of the eminent journalists running the magazine. And if we’re lucky, this dreadful piece will mark a turning point, but right now it’s just another reminder that scientists are going to have to figure out a new strategy for communicating to the public, one that I think will require them to bypass the status quo media.

    This piece has gotten too long, so I’ll offer up suggestions in a future piece, but I welcome any ideas you have for how scientists should deal with the “asymmetric” standard skeptics are held to, as Steven Chu put it.

    Related Links:

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    Katie Couric chews the food-system fat

    Me, babbling on the radio about ‘Fantastic Mr. Fox’






  • Sen. Mark Udall: “I think it’s crucial to price carbon”

    by David Roberts

    Sen. Mark Udall (D-Colo.)Mark Udall—son of legendary enviro-friendly Arizona Rep. Morris “Mo” Udall—had been a member of Colorado’s House delegation for 10 years when he won the race to replace retiring senator Wayne Allard. Just 17 days into his first term, Colorado’s other senator, Ken Salazar, left to head up Obama’s Interior Department, leaving Udall the state’s senior senator. (Over in New Mexico, his cousin Tom Udall also jumped to the Senate after 10 years in the House.)

    Udall is a vigorous outdoorsman, an accomplished mountaineer, and a long-time supporter and director of Colorado’s Outward Bound program, so it’s no surprise that he forged a reputation as a friend of the environment in the House, where he was co-chair of the Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Caucus. In the Senate he serves on the Energy Committee and is expected to play a key role in climate/energy policy. Though he’s known in Colorado for his support for the state’s renewable energy standard, on the national stage he has taken some heat from enviros for his support for nuclear power.

    I caught up with him by phone last week as he headed to a Clean Energy Summit he co-hosted with Third Way, The Keystone Center, and The University of Colorado.

    ———

    Q. Have you met with Sens. John Kerry, Lindsay Graham, and Joe Lieberman about their climate/energy bill? Any idea what to expect out of that process?

    A. I’ve had individual conversations with all three of those senators. They are being discreet, and given the recent example of health-care reform efforts—with lots of leaks and proposals, reactions and criticisms—I think they are doing the right thing. It’s been long known that a climate and energy bill in the Senate would have to be a bipartisan effort. The interests of various regions, philosophies of individual senators, make it very clear. In the end what they are trying to craft is an “all of the above” strategy that includes every energy source.

    Q. Sen. Evan Bayh, among others, has talked about stripping cap-and-trade out and passing an energy-only bill. Would you support that?

    A. I have not reached that point. I think it’s crucial to price carbon.

    There are different ideas as to how to price carbon. Cap-and-trade has of course been vetted and discussed widely. Another proposal is cap-and-dividend, which to some people is a simpler approach. Others, like Sen. [Bob] Corker and Sen. [Lisa] Murkowski, have expressed interest in a carbon tax.

    But I continue to believe strongly that if we want to compete with the Chinese and the Indians and Europe when it comes to clean energy, unless you price carbon, you don’t send the right signals to the marketplace. I hear that from the utilities—Jim Rogers at Duke Energy and John Rowe from Exelon—and from industry leaders like Dow Chemical, GE, and others. It’s a mainstream idea.

    It’s tempting to believe that a robust energy-only bill like we’ve passed out of the Energy Committee would reduce our carbon emissions, but based on all the scientific analysis I’ve seen, it wouldn’t. It would drive some innovation; it would send resources into research and development; it would improve our capacity to expand our transmission system. But it wouldn’t drive down carbon emissions, and for that reason I’m not willing at this point to give up on a price on carbon.

    Q. Colorado Gov. Bill Ritter supports, and the Colorado House just passed, a state renewable energy standard (RES) of 30 percent by 2020—as high as any state in the nation, and almost double what’s in the Energy Committee bill.  Will you push to raise the national RES?

    A. Yes, I will. I’ve long been a proponent of a robust national RES.

    Way back in 1997 I proposed an RES for Colorado. It was not successful initially, but we worked on it,  advocated for it, and finally after a series of close calls in the legislature it went to the voters directly. In ‘04 we passed what some called an aggressive, unrealistic RES: 10 percent by 2015. Well, we met that goal in just a few years. The legislature then increased it to 20 percent by 2025. We’re on track to reach that goal, and now the legislature’s responding again.

    The reason Colorado has been aggressive, and the reason there’s widespread support, is we see the results of an RES. We’ve created thousands of jobs. We attracted two solar companies, Abound Solar and Ascent Solar, who are hiring hundreds of workers to produces PVs. We had Vestas here with four manufacturing plants; they’ll employ 2,500 people. We have a new wind farm and 150 jobs on the Eastern plains, a rural part of Colorado—it’s always hard to find a job there. Our state’s been shielded from this terrible economy because of the mix of clean energy, traditional energy, tourism, tech, and agriculture. Having a clean energy element is a part of being diversified. Our policymakers and leaders see that as the state’s future.

    My job is to share [Colorado’s] story in the Senate and develop more and more advocates in support of a national RES, even in areas that are skeptical right now, like the South. They don’t think they have much wind or solar. They have abundant biomass, which fits under the RES. And they actually have more sun and in some cases more wind than they realize. But this has been a painstaking process, to make that case and encourage those senators to see the potential for their own states.

    Q. Your cousin Tom is backing something called the “constitutional option,” whereby senators would vote at the beginning of next session to change the rules of the Senate to either eliminate or scale back the filibuster.  Sen. [Tom] Harkin has introduced a resolution that would reform the filibuster.  Do you support either of those efforts? And do you think the Senate is working with its current rules?

    A. I am reviewing both of those proposals. I am a reformer by nature, and I’m deeply concerned that the Senate isn’t working as effectively as it might, and must.

    The filibuster has been abused—over a hundred filibusters in the first half of this Congress. We’ve already beaten the record for a two-year session of the Senate, in one year! At the same time I want to make sure the rights of political minorities and small states are protected; that is the essential idea behind the creation of the Senate in the first place.

    Both my cousin’s idea and Sen. Harkin’s draw attention to the fact that if we continue working like we are now—not working, I should say—we’re going to continue to lose the trust of the American people. We’re not going to be able to respond to the challenges that America faces.

    Related Links:

    Coal-fired power on the way out?

    Good climate policy is responsible fiscal policy

    Economics cage match: Stavins’ minimalism vs. Houser’s full-court press






  • Energy Secretary Steven Chu posts his nuclear rationale on Facebook

    by Alexis Madrigal

    Originally posted at Inventing Green.

    Following the Department of Energy’s announcement of a loan guarantee for a new nuclear plant, the Nobel Prize-winning head of the agency, Steven Chu, laid out his rationale for nuclear in clear and plain language.

    It’s a pretty conventional argument: 1) “no single technology will provide all of the answers,” which is obviously true, and 2) large-scale storage options are necessary for grid-integration.

    “[R]emember that wind and solar are intermittent energy sources. The sun isn’t always shining, and the wind isn’t always blowing,” Chu wrote. “Without technological breakthroughs in efficient, large scale energy storage, it will be difficult to rely on intermittent renewables for much more than 20-30 percent of our electricity.”

    Which is true enough. I have a lot of hope for compressed air storage, but that’s going to take time to understand and scale up.

    There was one part of Chu’s argument that I don’t like, though. He relies on a bogus forecast from the Energy Information Administration about projected future demand to make the case for nuclear.

    While we are working at hard as we can to promote energy efficiency in every part sector of America, it is likely that our energy demand will continue to rise. In fact, the Energy Information Administration projects an almost 20 percent increase in overall energy demand and over 30 percent increase in electricity demand over the next 25 years under current laws.

    As I’ve reviewed over and over, long-run energy forecasts have been terrifically bad. With some notable exceptions, they have tended to project way too much energy usage over the last 50 years. Yet Chu, like so many others, treats them with far more respect than they deserve.

    Using EIA forecasts to justify policy is a convenient way to sidestep having to make a real argument about whether it makes sense to let our energy usage grow or not. Instead, American energy usage growth is seen as inevitable, so that key point doesn’t need to be argued. This is an old and kind of dirty trick. Just check out Philip Sporn using just about the same one in 1971.

    And the thing is: you don’t need EIA forecasts to make the argument that Chu does. The need to cut our carbon emissions is a good enough reason to look at nuclear power again, particularly new types of reactors. Compared with burning coal, which is how we generate just under 50 percent of American electricity, nuclear power starts to look pretty good, even given the problems that people have noted for years.

    But no one really knows how much a new plant will cost or how long it will take to build one. And that’s using light-water reactors, which pro-nuclear guys like MIT’s Ernie Moniz say will be the only option for the coming couple of decades. If it takes the high-end estimate of 100 months to build a new nuclear plant—more than eight years—than it may not be possible to build enough nukes to, as Chu puts it, “make a serious dent in carbon dioxide emissions.”

    Related Links:

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  • Electric bikes on a roll in China

    by Agence France-Presse

    TIANJIN, China—Chinese commuters in the millions are turning to electric bicycles—hailed as the environmentally friendly future of personal transport in the country’s teeming cities. Up to 120 million e-bikes are estimated to be on the roads in China, making them already the top alternative to cars and public transport, according to recent figures published by local media.

    “This is the future—it’s practical, it’s clean, and it’s economical,” said manufacturer Shi Zhongdong, whose company also exports electric bikes to Asia and Europe.

    The bikes have been hailed as an ecologically sound alternative in a country that is the world’s top emitter of greenhouse gases, with their rechargeable batteries leaving a smaller carbon footprint than cars.

    But some have expressed concerns about the pollution created by cheaper lead batteries in the bikes, calling for better recycling and a quick shift to cleaner, though more expensive, lithium-ion battery technology.

    More than 1,000 companies are already in the e-bike business in China, with many of them clustered in the eastern coastal provinces such as Jiangsu and Zhejiang, which both border Shanghai.

    Another 1,000 firms are producing e-bikes on an ad hoc basis, Shi told AFP during a visit to his Hanma Electric Bicycles factory in the port city of Tianjin, about 75 miles north of Beijing.

    “The business has exploded since 2006,” Shi says, while admitting that the company took a hit last year due to the financial crisis.

    Some e-bikes can reach speeds of more than 21 miles per hour, and a few manufacturers boast their models can last up to 31 miles on a single battery charge.

    Battery chargers are simply plugged into an electricity socket at home. 

    Most e-bikes also have pedals, except for the bigger, scooter-like models.

    Shi was an electrical engineer who worked for a state-owned firm for most of his career, but as he turned 55 and retirement was beckoning, he founded Hanma in 1999, investing about $75,000 of his own money.

    He is wary of giving exact production figures, but says Hanma is churning out between 50,000 and 100,000 e-bikes a year.

    In his company’s icy, old-fashioned workshops, several models are lined up: from electric bikes with “green” lithium batteries, made especially for export, to some that look more like mini-scooters.

    They are everywhere in the streets of Beijing—no licence plates, no driver’s licences needed. Enthusiasts say they are a godsend in a city where the number of scooter and motorcycle drivers is restricted.

    “I get around traffic jams so easily,” said one Beijinger before speeding off from an intersection in the capital, where more than 4 million vehicles are clogging the roads and polluting the already thick air.

    But not everyone is on the e-bike bandwagon—“real” cyclists have complained bitterly that their once peaceful lanes are now clogged with irresponsible, uncontrollable speedsters.

    In December, authorities tried to re-impose a maximum speed limit of 12 miles per hour on e-bike riders, along with licence rules, but the plan caused such a public and industry uproar that it was suspended.

    “The rules will never go through. Hundreds of factories would be forced to shut down. And what would those who already own e-bikes do?” Shi says.

    In a report released last June, the Asian Development Bank said e-bikes could become “perhaps the most environmentally sustainable motorized mode available” in China.

    But it called for the replacement of lead acid batteries and better regulations on the allowable weight and speed to keep accidents at a minimum.

    Shi says nearly a third of his production goes abroad—to Asia, notably India, to the European Union, and even to the United States.

    “There is a big future for electric bikes in Europe, where people are very concerned about saving the environment,” he said, explaining that the models with safer but more costly lithium batteries are shipped to E.U. nations.

    Shi says he sells the export models for $400, as opposed to just $240 for those sold in China. But the bikes can sell for a whopping $1,200 in France and Germany.

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  • Seoul reengineers a freeway into a stream [VIDEO]

    by Fast Company

    Photo: Fast Company

    Most metropolis’ are so busy building the future that they don’t have
    time to re-think the past. Not so with Seoul, South Korea. In 2003, the
    city demolished a downtown freeway to restore an ancient stream that
    once flowed beneath the thoroughfare. More than 75 percent of the scrap
    material from the demolition was re-used to reconstruct and rehabilitate
    the stream banks and create a commercial corridor. In this episode of e2,
    we’ll see how the Cheonggyecheon is now a thriving tourist destination,
    proving that going backward can sometimes lead to an even bigger step
    forward.

     

    This story and video comes to us from our friends over at Fast Company.

    To read more from Fast Company: Sustainable
    Urban Development
    or Inspired Ethonomics.

     

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  • Getting China wrong

    by Tom Athanasiou

    It’s been a long time since Copenhagen.

    A few weeks after it ended, chatting
    to a friend about some stupid comments I’d overhead during that long last
    night, he said that “everyone gets a pass for anything they said during the
    first week.”  The first week after
    Copenhagen is what he meant—a time of exhaustion and near despair in international
    climate circles. 

    I bring this up because some of the
    stupid things that were said during that first week are still with us. There were plenty of them, of course, but
    this post doesn’t pretend to be comprehensive. It’s just about China. 

    Copenhagen, of course, was not a
    success. But it did change the game, in particular
    by establishing a framework in which both northern and southern countries are
    stepping forward to “pledge” to mitigation actions of various kinds. As they do, scientists and institutes around
    the world are tabulating the pledges, normalizing them, calculating their
    implied aggregate impact on global temperature, and—inevitably—drawing
    conclusions about which countries are doing their “fair share” and which are
    free riding on the efforts of others. 

    Such
    conclusions can be complicated. What, after all, should a national
    emissions pledge be compared to? A projection of business-as-usual
    emissions? If so, which one? A measure of per-capita “emissions
    rights?” If so, what about the fact that the “atmospheric space” is
    already exhausted? A fair-shares national obligation? If so, how
    will such an obligation be calculated, and on the basis of what
    principles? Historical responsibility? If so, starting when? 
    Capacity to pay? If so, how should such capacity be defined? How
    should the obligations of rich countries be compared to those of poor? And what about the rich people within poor countries? Or for that matter
    the poor people within rich ones? Such “intra-national” injustice can’t be
    ignored, but how should it be accounted?

    Such
    questions, fortunately, are answerable. In fact, the terms by which they
    can be resolved—a “fair enough” accord based upon “common but differentiated
    responsibilities and respective capabilities”—are at this point reasonably familiar
    and well understood. The question is if the dynamic of the negotiations
    can be shifted from one in which countries jockey for short-term advantage to
    one in which they seek new forms of cooperation. And who must do what
    before such a shift is possible. 

    In
    this context, the central debate can finally be pushed to center stage.
    Which countries are carrying their own weight, and which are not? And
    how, really, can we tell? The question is now on the floor, and the need good
    answers is palpable. So, too, is the
    need to clear the fog, which is thick indeed.

    On
    the other hand, there comes a point where the numbers almost speak for
    themselves. Consider the following two charts, which tell a complex tale
    in a simple manner that, while not ideal, does serve to highlight the main
    point—U.S. emissions, cumulated over time, are greater than China’s, but at the
    same time the U.S. is pledging to smaller cuts.

    The first chart is responsibility, i.e., contribution to global
    warming, cumulated from 1900. (The total[1] or the United States is 338 GtCO2, and for China is 124 GtCO2.) The
    second chart is a reflection of pledged reduction effort for the year 2020 in
    GtCO2. It compares the U.S. goal of reducing emissions by 17 percent with China’s goal
    of reducing emissions intensity by 40-45 percent. Both figures are defined
    relative to 2005 levels, and are pledged for the year 2020. (The US pledge translates[2] to approximately 0.8 GtCO2 of effort in 2020, and the China pledge is
    calculated[3] to amount to approximately 2.5 GtCO2 in 2020, or approximately 3 times the
    United States effort)

    These
    charts are not, if I may put the matter gently, consistent with the common,
    post-Copenhagen story of China’s climate policy, which has it that, in the
    words of British climate secretary Ed Miliband, China “held the world to
    ransom” in an attempt to prevent a climate treaty. Nor is this an incidental point.

    The blame game

    Why
    did was Copenhagen so disappointing? It’s
    a tough question with lots of possible approaches. Alternatively, it may be that Copenhagen’s
    failure was simply China’s fault. This explanation, alas, has grown legs. It demands discussion, beginning with Mark Lynas’ widely read, and rather
    fantastically misleading How
    do I know China wrecked the Copenhagen deal? I was in the room
    . Here, as a reminder, are Lynas’ key
    paragraphs:

    To those who would blame Obama and rich countries in general,
    know this: it was China’s representative who insisted that industrialized
    country targets, previously agreed as an 80 percent cut by 2050, be taken out of the
    deal. “Why can’t we even mention our own targets?” demanded a furious
    Angela Merkel. Australia’s prime minister, Kevin Rudd, was annoyed enough
    to bang his microphone. Brazil’s representative too pointed out the
    illogicality of China’s position. Why should rich countries not announce
    even this unilateral cut? The Chinese delegate said no, and I watched,
    aghast, as Merkel threw up her hands in despair and conceded the point.
    Now we know why—because China bet, correctly, that Obama would get the blame
    for the Copenhagen accord’s lack of ambition.

    China, backed at times by India, then proceeded to take out all
    the numbers that mattered. A 2020 peaking year in global emissions,
    essential to restrain temperatures to 2C, was removed and replaced by woolly
    language suggesting that emissions should peak “as soon as possible”. The
    long-term target, of global 50 percent cuts by 2050, was also excised. No one else, perhaps
    with the exceptions of India and Saudi Arabia, wanted this to happen …

    With the deal gutted, the heads of state session concluded with
    a final battle as the Chinese delegate insisted on removing the 1.5C target so
    beloved of the small island states and low-lying nations who have most to lose
    from rising seas. President Nasheed of the Maldives, supported by Brown,
    fought valiantly to save this crucial number. “How can you ask my country to go
    extinct?” demanded Nasheed. The Chinese delegate feigned great offence—and the number stayed, but surrounded by language which makes it all but
    meaningless. The deed was done.

    It
    sounds pretty bad, and no doubt it was. In any case, it’s easy to see why
    Lynas’ fly-on-the-wall account was so compelling, particularly to desperate
    northerners, environmentalists of course but also, and more generally, all
    those who are already primed to see China as an implacable mercantilist threat
    to their preferred style of capitalism. The real question, though, is if
    his summary interpretation—“This is fast becoming China’s century, yet its
    leadership has displayed that multilateral environmental governance is not only
    not a priority, but is viewed as a hindrance to the new superpower’s freedom of
    action”—is an accurate one.

    Caution
    is in order, as always in the face of politically convenient arguments.
    And certainly Lynas’ conclusions are much in line with the North’s strategy of
    hiding behind the emerging economies. See for example Snubbed In
    Copenhagen, E.U. Weighs Climate Options, a Reuters piece that told us that
    “Officials acknowledge privately that the mandatory system for enforcing
    emissions curbs created by the 1997 Kyoto protocol is doomed because China
    won’t accept any constraints on its future economic growth, and the United
    States won’t join any agreement that is not binding on Beijing.”

    Still,
    it’s not enough to point out that Lynas’ argument is useful to the North.
    Or even to remind ourselves that by many measures China is already making
    greater efforts than the wealthy countries of the North. It’s also
    necessary to go to the core of Lynas’ argument, which as he
    recently put it
    , is that “Copenhagen has opened up a chasm between
    sustainability and equity.” Why? Because, though “NGOs that
    ideologically support equity defend the right of developing countries to
    increase their emissions for two to three more decades at least,” in fact,
    “there is no room for expansion by anyone.”

    In
    Lynas’ view, this “chasm between sustainability and equity” is a pitiless
    divide, which no amount of pro-poor solidarity can bridge. In fact, it’s
    an implacable truth of our carbon-constrained future that not only China, but
    also India, and South Africa, and Brazil, and Mexico, and indeed the entire
    “emerging” world is at the edge of an near-impossible future. If the
    climate is to be saved, the South will have to put its developmental
    aspirations onto the betting table, and it will have to do so soon.

    It is
    fact the case that “there is no room for expansion by anyone”? Then welcome to the future as a suicide
    pact. For it is highly unlikely that the developing countries, and the
    emerging economies in particular, will have their plans so rudely
    checked. But what’s the alternative? This is a good question, much
    discussed by those who’ve been following the burden-sharing debate that’s raged
    through the climate community in the last few years. Unfortunately, this debate does not seem to
    be familiar to Mark Lynas. Which, perhaps, is not entirely his
    fault. In truth, the northern climate movement has quite failed to
    explain the structure of the global climate justice problem to the broader
    population. Or even to itself.

    What
    exactly is this problem? Only that we’ve reached the limits to growth,
    and done so in a world that’s bitterly divided between haves and
    have-nots. That, despite decades of warnings, the wealthy nations have
    neglected to demonstrate that low-carbon development paths are actually
    possible. That they’ve instead pursued business-as-usual economics, and,
    within the climate negotiations, have stonewalled on the oft-repeated demand,
    made not just by the Chinese but by the entire developing world, to accept
    meaningful reduction commitments. That, against this dark background, China—a proud country that has for all its many faults lifted hundreds of millions
    of people out of poverty—has emerged as the chief voice of a southern bloc
    that has consistently refused to accept the choice between developmental
    justice and climate stabilization.

    The South
    dilemma is easy enough to visualize.  Consider the “G8 style” emissions pathway
    that provoked China’s backroom confrontation with the North. The details of this pathway are that: 1)
    global emissions peak soon (about 2020) and decline by 2050 to 50 percent below
    1990 levels; and 2) Northern emissions simultaneously decline to 80 percent
    below 1990 levels. Now ask yourself—why might China’s rejection of such an offer be reasonable? The answer lies in
    arithmetic: The remaining global emissions budget is so small that, despite a
    relatively ambitious program of northern emission reductions, southern
    emissions must still peak soon, and then drop almost as rapidly as global
    emissions themselves. Further, they must
    do so while the people of the South are still struggling to escape poverty, and
    more generally to invent new, dignified, and sustainable models of life.

    The
    climate crisis is, in other words, a crisis of development.

    It’s
    necessary to be very clear here. The problem is not that poverty
    alleviation, or even just forms of sustainable development, are now impossible.
    The problem is rather that they have not been compellingly demonstrated. Indeed, the wealthy countries, through their reluctance to reduce their own
    emissions, have quite convincingly demonstrated to the developing world how
    undesirable—if not actually impossible—such paths must be. The simple
    fact is that, today, the only proven routes up from poverty still
    involve an expanded use of energy and, consequently, a seemingly inevitable
    increase in fossil-fuel use and thus carbon emissions.

    Moreover,
    the South’s reticence, understandable within a G8-style pathway, is all the
    more compelling in the context of a global 350 target. Here, even if the
    North’s emissions drop at a sustained rate of 10 percent a year, to approach zero in
    2050 (an ambitious goal by any measure), the South would still be left with a
    reduction pathway that is scarcely less stringent. How it can be
    negotiated is one of the biggest and most pressing questions on the
    geopolitical agenda, one that this note will not attempt to answer. But I
    must at least stipulate that, unless the South comes to trust the North’s
    willingness to accept its fair share of the necessary effort, whatever it turns
    out to be, honest emergency pathways will remain forever out of reach.

    Return
    to China, which despite wealthy enclaves still has many, many people living in
    poverty. Consider that the targets that the Chinese expunged from the
    Copenhagen Accord would have important developmental implications. And
    that the South has for years made it clear that it will simply not allow itself
    to be trapped into sacrificing development for climate protection. Remember that, during the run up to Copenhagen, the South repeatedly insisted
    that the North accept a science-based reduction target at the “upper end” of
    the IPCC’s 25 percent by 40 percent range (from the 1990 baseline, by 2020). And that
    the North, for its part, attempted instead to enshrine a global reduction
    pathway that would have implicitly constrained southern development, and to do
    so without itself adopting science-based targets of any kind. Then ask
    yourself, again, exactly what (other than its failure to properly explain
    itself, which was egregious indeed) was so unreasonable about the Chinese
    position.

    The answer is not
    obvious.

     

    Note: For a much more detailed and quantitative discussion of the
    trajectories here, and of the dilemma that climate destabilization poses for
    the developing countries, see this.

     

    [1] This is the total fossil CO2 emitted by the United States and China,
    respectively, since 1900, as reported by the Carbon Dioxide Information
    Analysis Center (CDIAC) of the United States Department of Energy. If one
    were to look back only to 1950 (rather than 1900), then the tally would be 260
    GtCO2 for the US, and 122 GtCO2 for China.

    [2] The Energy Information Agency of the US Department of Energy forecasts
    in their Annual Energy Outlook 2010 that 2020 fossil CO2 emissions in
    the US will be 3.2 percent lower than they were in 2005, this under a reference case
    (i.e., a business-as-usual scenario) in which the United States does not enact
    national climate policy. The International Energy Agency’s World
    Energy Outlook 2009, projects an even greater decline of roughly 5 percent over
    the same period. Emissions were already 8.9 percent lower in 2009 than in 2005
    owing to the ongoing economic recession, but both EIA’s AEO2010 and the IEA’s
    WEO2009 projects a modest rebound for the United States over the coming
    decade. To meet the 17 percent pledge, therefore, the U.S. will need to reduce
    emissions below the expected 3.2 percent “reference” reduction by a further 0.8
    GtCO2. (If one instead goes with the IEA’s projection of a 5 percent reference
    reduction, the additional required mitigation would be about 0.7 GtCO2.)

    [3] This estimated was calculated by the UNFCCC Secretariat and
    documented in their Preliminary Assessment of pledges made by Annex 1
    Parties and voluntary actions and policy goals by a number of non-Annex 1
    Parties. (This leaked document was widely circulated, and made
    available
    ).
    The Secretariat’s 2.5 GtCO2 estimate of the abatement effort implied by the
    Chinese pledge is calculated relative to a constructed reference case (not the
    IEA WEO2009) that explicitly excludes the effort associated with China’s
    existing energy intensity policy. As the Secretariat explained, “The
    level of emissions in the [IEA WEO2009] reference scenario … is among the
    lowest compared to the other studies available. … [It] already includes the
    effects from some of the pledges and voluntary action in cases where the
    relevant legislation and policies are put in place. This includes, among
    others, a large part of the E.U. 20 percent reduction target, Norway 30 percent reduction
    target, Australia’s 5 percent reduction target and China’s current policies, notably
    the 20 percent energy efficiency improvement target.”

    William Chandler (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace) is
    more explicit: “The current energy intensity policy … can legitimately be
    described as severe, even draconian. The policy imposes hundreds of
    detailed industrial efficiency standards to a degree unparalleled in any other
    country in the world.  The policy has forced closure of tens of thousands
    of factories, power plants, and production lines that failed to meet the
    standards.  It is unimaginable that such a policy could ever be enacted in
    the United States, much less be continued for another decade. It’s a
    non-trivial error to call it a “reference case,” as the IEA has done.” See Memo To Copenhagen: Commentary Is Misinformed-China’s Commitment Is
    Significant
    .

    Related Links:

    Climate meeting in April will aim to revive U.N. process

    Electric bikes on a roll in China

    Two months after Copenhagen summit, U.N. climate pointman to quit






  • Organic grain miller goes employee-owned

    by Tom Philpott

    In “Chewing the Scenery,” we round up interesting food-related video from around the Web.

    ————-

    Miller’s crossing: Bob Moore creates a progressive institution. For years, Oregon-based Bob’s Red Mill products have a been a staple of food co-ops and natural-food supermarkets. The company puts out a variety of top-quality, stone-ground organic grain products: from flours to grits to “bear mush” hot cereals. Now that CEO/founder Bob Moore is ready to start thinking about a succession plan, he probably could have cashed in nicely by selling out to some conglomerate looking for organic cachet—and a slice of one of the food industry’s few true growth areas. Instead, he did something infinitely more interesting—and better for the Milwaukie, Oregon, community where the company employs 209 people. He took the company employee-owned, ABC News reports. In doing so, he’s creating a durable, national-level institution whose profits remain and percolate broadly within a local economy. Moore is creating a model wherein national-level food businesses can generate broadly distributed wealth within communities, whereas now they mainly extract wealth from communities and concentrate it in the hands of a few shareholders. I’ll be commenting on this more soon; for now, watch the video. (Hat tip to Civil Eats.)

    Related Links:

    Cleveland, worker-owned co-ops, and new ideas for a flailing economy

    When the big guys want to do the right thing

    Ask Umbra’s video advice on greening your dog with DIY treats






  • Farmer-consumer group challenges FDA authority to ban interstate raw-milk sales

    by David Gumpert

    Don’t cry over raw milk. The Farm-to-Consumer Legal Defense Fund is taking on the Big
    Enchilada in the raw milk war: the U.S. Food and Drug Administration’s
    prohibition on interstate shipment of raw milk.

    The FTCLDF filed suit over the weekend in U.S. District
    court against FDA commissioner Margaret Hamburg, and the secretary of the FDA’s
    parent agency, Health and Human Services, Kathleen Sebelius, challenging the
    constitutionality of the agency’s prohibition, enacted in 1987. It filed the
    suit on behalf of consumers and a farmer from six different states; the consumers
    all travel from states where raw milk sales are illegal to buy it in states
    where it’s allowed for sale and the farmer sells to out-of-state consumers.

    The suit is notable for seeking to shift the focus of the
    interstate raw milk prohibition to consumers from farmers, where the FDA has
    focused its efforts, most notably in prosecuting the largest raw dairy in the
    country, Organic Pastures Dairy Co. in California, for selling milk outside its
    home state. The agency was behind a criminal case against the dairy, which
    ended with a guilty plea last year and an agreement by the dairy to confine its
    sales to California, and a civil case, which is still pending. The agency has
    also been active behind the scenes in urging crackdowns on raw milk in
    Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and New York, among other states.

    The case is also notable for the FTCLDF, which was formed
    less than three years ago to counter an aggressive FDA-led campaign against raw
    milk producers that began in 2006. While the legal organization has filed suits
    against state agriculture officials on behalf of raw dairy farmers in New York,
    Wisconsin, and California, as well as a suit against the U.S. Department of
    Agriculture on behalf of farmers affected by the National Animal Identification
    System (NAIS), this is its first encounter with the FDA, and as such,
    definitely the biggest case in its brief history.

    All the consumer plaintiffs in the suit live in states where raw milk
    sales are prohibited—New Jersey, Iowa, North Carolina, and Georgia. The suit
    says the consumers buy their milk in neighboring states where raw milk is
    legal, and are being forced to break the law each time they travel back
    home with their milk.

    The
    suit charges that “all Plaintiffs are being deprived of their fundamental and
    inalienable rights of (a) traveling across State lines with raw dairy products
    legally obtained and possessed; (b) providing for the care and well being of
    themselves and their families, including their children; and (c) producing,
    obtaining and consuming the foods of choice for themselves and their families,
    including their children.”

    At
    stake, it says, are “the Constitutional Right to Travel; the Constitutional
    Right of Privacy; the substantive due process clause of the Fifth Amendment of
    the United States Constitution; Article 1, Section 1 of the United States
    Constitution (the Separation of Powers/Non-delegation doctrine) … “

    According
    to Gary Cox, the lawyer for the FTCLDF, “This
    case challenges the legality of the FDA rule that bans the interstate
    distribution of raw milk in final package form for human consumption.  It
    also challenges the legality of FDA’s ‘standard of identify’ for milk which
    requires that all milk needs to be pasteurized.”

    Ironically, the FDA was dragged kicking and
    screaming back in the 1970s and 1980s into its current role of policing the
    transport of raw milk across state lines. It resisted the efforts of consumer
    groups to involve the agency-feeling the matter was a local issue-until a
    federal judge in 1987 responded to a consumer group suit by ordering the agency
    to draft regulations about the interstate shipment of raw milk. Since then, it
    has shifted from reluctant participant to aggressive enforcer and warning
    source against raw milk consumption. Its dairy chief, John Sheehan, is famous
    for his line, “Consuming raw milk is like playing Russian roulette with your
    health.”

    The FTCLDF suit argues that the FDA’s role is
    a problem on several levels:

    It maintains that raw milk isn’t dangerous
    in the food-borne-illness scheme of things. “According to CDC statistics
    for 2007, there were 7,031 reported cases of foodborne outbreaks associated
    with bacteria, which resulted in 678 hospitalizations and 11 deaths (3 deaths
    of which were from pasteurized milk). According to those same CDC statistics
    for 2007, there were only 32 reported cases of illnesses attributed to fresh,
    unprocessed, raw milk (0.5 percent); there were only 2 reported hospitalizations
    attributed to fresh, unprocessed, raw milk (0.3 percent); and there were no reported
    deaths attributed to raw milk.” It concludes: “More people are killed each year
    from lightning strikes on golf courses than die from milkborne illnesses.”
    That consumers who cross state lines with
    raw milk could at any time be penalized for violating the FDA’s prohibition,
    even though the agency has generally limited itself to going after farmers. It
    points to a case last October, in which one of the plaintiffs, Eric Wagoner,
    who runs a Georgia food buying group over the Internet, had 110 gallons of raw
    milk already purchased by Georgia consumers confiscated because the milk had been purchased in South Carolina, where
    raw milk sales are legal, and brought back to Georgia, where they aren’t. “Upon
    reaching Georgia,
    Plaintiff Wagoner’s truck was searched and seized by officials from Georgia
    without a warrant. The raw milk in Wagoner’s truck was embargoed by officials
    from Georgia without a warrant. On Oct. 19, 2009, the 110 gallons of raw
    milk, including milk owned by Plaintiffs Wagoner and Cooper, were destroyed at
    the order of the Georgia officials and the FDA without a warrant or other legal
    process.”
    That the FDA, if it so chose, could take a
    less harsh approach to raw milk. “For example, FDA has a regulation at
    21 C.F.R. 101.17 that pertains to unpasteurized juices, and provides, in part,
    that a warning label on a juice container is an acceptable alternative to
    pasteurizing the juice, to wit: ‘WARNING: This product has not been pasteurized
    and, therefore, may contain harmful bacteria that can cause serious illness in
    children, the elderly, and persons with weakened immune systems.’”
    That the FDA is singling out raw milk for
    special harsh treatment. According to the suit, “There is nothing in the PHSA [Public Health Service Act] that authorizes the FDA to find
    that a product that is legal to sell in more than half the States and where it
    is legal to consume in all 50 States should be banned as a ‘communicable
    disease’ or ‘illness’ particularly when there are other foods in the United
    States that cause more cases of foodborne illness.”

    The FDA has been adamant in refusing to debate
    or otherwise discuss the matter of raw milk’s safety, limiting its views to a
    PowerPoint presentation on its site and to occasional written testimony in
    opposition to state legislation that might relax restriction on sales of raw
    milk. It seems safe to say that the agency will take the same approach to the
    suit-seek to avoid debate or discussion for as long as it can under judicial
    procedures.

    Related Links:

    To reduce nitrogen pollution, we need new farm policies

    USDA releases strict new pasture rules for organic dairy

    Did Michelle Obama get the president to create a national Food Policy Council?






  • Ask Umbra on organic mushrooms, dog toys, and revisiting cloth napkins

    by Umbra Fisk

    Send your question to Umbra!

    Q. Dear Umbra,

    I’m a big fan of organic produce
    (especially when the local version isn’t at hand or I’m eating it raw), and I’m
    also one of those folks who is obsessed with mushrooms.

    When I come across organic
    mushrooms, though, my curiosity is piqued: What don’t I know about the
    conventional mushroom market that warrants an organic alternative? Are these
    underground crops doused with pesticides, too?

    I’d love for you to shed some
    light on my fungal-farming ignorance.

    Mark
    Tryon, N.C.

    A. Dearest Mark,

    Did you hear
    the one about the mushroom that asked out this lady? She said, “No, I’m not
    going out with a mushroom!” So he said, “But I’m a fungi!” Get it? Fun … guy? Technically, though, he’s not a fungi. He’s a fungus. Singular form, you suave
    mushroom you.

    Anywho, my
    head is just spinning from an overwhelming dose of ‘shroom research and a
    fantastically informative phone call with the kind folks at the American
    Mushroom Institute. So here’s some dirt for you on mushroom production (we’ll
    leave wild foraging aside for now). First of all, mushrooms don’t grow
    underground. In fact, according to the AMI, most large-scale, commercial
    mushrooms are actually grown in climate-controlled buildings which keep out
    most pests. And chlorinated water is the most common disease control agent in
    the commercial mushroom industry. The substrate in which the mushrooms are grown
    is produced outside, where, also
    according to the AMI, minimal pesticides are used and biorational controls
    (read: naturally occurring pest pathogens and predators) are generally utilized
    to fend off the bad guys.

    A mushroom
    is a very delicate little thing, and thus wouldn’t be doused with anything, including pesticides. Even when you’re
    cleaning them at your house post-grocer, you don’t want to douse. The Mushroom
    Council (not to be confused with the AMI—who knew there were so many
    dedicated mushroom groups?) says that because mushrooms are porous and have a
    sponge-like reaction to water, they should not be washed. Instead, you want to gently
    rub away any dirt with a soft brush or damp cloth.

    Basically,
    the AMI peeps sum up the conventional versus organic mushroom conundrum with
    this: “There’s not a whole lot of difference between the two.”

    As you may
    know, the Environmental Working Group has a handy list of fruits and vegetables
    ranked by pesticide residue levels. EWG puts mushrooms in the middle of the
    pack, at number 23 out of 45. So I wouldn’t sweat it too much. You’re better
    off focusing on organic versions of the top third of EWG’s list—items like
    peaches, apples, sweet bell peppers, and celery. And feel free to bust out this
    info at parties; I’m sure everyone will think you’re a really fun guy—or
    fungus, as the case may be.

    Psychedelically,
    Umbra

    Q. Dear Umbra,

    I recently adopted a dog and find
    myself in need of toys to keep his mouth occupied. In a world of plastic and
    rawhide chew toys, what are some good options for doggie toys that have the
    least impact on the environment?

    Yours,
    Jesse
    New Orleans

    A. Dearest Jesse,

    Congrats on your new addition! Just to get this out of the
    way: To have the least impact on the environment, indeed the solution would be
    no pet at all. But I would never rob someone of the joy of four paws underfoot,
    and it’s commendable that you adopted a dog rather than investing in one of
    those dreaded puppy mills. So on with the inquiry.

    Perhaps he’d enjoy keeping his mouth occupied with some organic
    mini muffins for pups
    (did you see my
    video
    with the teeny, tiny dog brigade?). When chewing rather than eating
    is the goal, I suggest you look for toys that are free of three nasties: PVC (no vinyl, that’s final!);
    plastic-softening, hormone-disrupting phthalates; and endocrine-disrupting BPA, which lends
    hardness and durability to plastics.

    Pets are contaminated with even higher levels of toxic
    chemicals than humans are, according to a report from the EWG, and items like
    pet toys aren’t well-regulated. But HealthyStuff.org has a good
    list
    of newer pet toys along with test results for toxins in them. And although I don’t usually go the product
    endorsement route, I can recommend some other options to look into for your new
    pal: West Paw Design’s BPA-, PVC-
    and phthalate-free dog toys, which are recyclable through the company; sweet potato dog chews instead of
    animal rawhides; or a hemp rope
    bone
    . Maybe get creative and make your own dog toy from an old, unmatched
    sock. Or perhaps use something from nature, like a stick—don’t pull it from a
    living tree, though; wait for the tree to give it to you.  

    Finally, I’m no vet (gasp!),
    so be sure to check in with yours to make sure everything’s kosher with
    whatever toys you choose.

    Also please pass this message on to your little fur ball, as
    I am, in fact, fluent in dog: Ruff,
    ruff, bark! Pant, pant, pant. He’ll know what it means.

    Slobberly,
    Umbra

    Last week I tackled
    the topic of tots and table napkins. These readers jumped in with sage advice
    of their own.

    Q. Dear Umbra,

    I’d like to add on to your information on cloth napkins. In the dark ages of my childhood in the ‘50s, my parents did not
    make decisions based on environmental issues. They hate to spend money, so
    disposable items were out (except for toilet paper). Each of us had our own
    napkin ring to identify our napkin that was used for many meals. Mine was
    silver with the name Virginia engraved on it. She was an aunt of my father who
    had passed away in the ‘30s. Twenty-first century moms might look for
    individual napkin rings for their family.

    Kathleen C.
    Modesto, Calif.

    Lindsay@TPA had this
    to say in the comments section of the column:

    Napkins: For the kids
    and most any other regular use, check your local thrift shops. You can usually
    find sets of three or four for about $2. I’ve had some for as long as 10 years
    before I finally had to retire them to being cleaning rags. Of course, darker
    colors and prints show stains less, and if you take the advice about washing
    them in cold water and avoiding the dryer, your kids will be in high school
    before they wear out the napkins.

    A. Dearest Kathleen and Lindsay@TPA,

    Thanks for the great ideas. I’ve got a touch of DIY fever
    (and the only cure is more crafting), so I’m considering making my own
    napkin rings
    out of vintage 1990s paperclips I’ve found down here in the
    stacks. Readers, keep the goodness coming. It takes a village to save a planet,
    and I love to hear what you guys are up to.

    Swan-shapedly,
    Umbra

    Related Links:

    Ask Umbra on eating in

    Hipster puppies hate on cars

    Is there too much ‘Let’s Hope’ in the ‘Let’s Move’ anti-obesity campaign?






  • Does Facebook deserve the hell it’s catching from Greenpeace?

    by David Roberts

    Social networking giant Facebook has been taking heat from enviros recently for its decision to site a massive new data center in Prineville, Ore. The issue? Pacific Power, the utility that serves Prineville, gets most of its power from coal, the enemy of the human race. Greenpeace International has started a Facebook group opposing the move.

    Facebook, clearly feeling some heat, responded to the controversy over the weekend. Its new data center will involve all sorts of efficiency efforts, but the company’s main argument is that the dry, temperate climate in Oregon will allow it to forego any mechanical chillers or air conditioners (an evaporative cooling system will be used instead). Said the company …

    … if we located the data center most other places, we would need mechanical chillers, use more energy, and be responsible for more overall carbon in the air—even if that location was fueled by more renewable energy.

    In other words, in this individual case, efficiency trumps clean energy. I’m not really qualified to do the math, but it sounds persuasive to me.

    Technically, though, Greenpeace isn’t asking them to site the data center somewhere else. The group says:

    Facebook should change the terms of its power purchase agreement with PacifiCorp so that it is powered with renewables before the Oregon data centre goes online.

    Obviously PacifiCorp can’t route individual electrons so that only the clean ones get to the data center—and if it could it wouldn’t make much difference since it would just route the dirty ones elsewhere.  I doubt the utility will substantially alter its generation portfolio in the short-term just to accommodate one data center. Regardless, its portfolio will change over time in response to Oregon’s 25 percent by 2020 renewable energy standard. So I’m not clear what such a PPA would accomplish aside from symbolism. I’m open to being corrected on this point, though—utility contracts are somewhat mystifying.

    Anyway, from my non-expert perspective, it looks like Facebook is getting a bit of a raw deal here, PR-wise.

    However! I still like Greenpeace’s campaign, for a simple reason: it reinforces a social norm. You shouldn’t use coal. You should use clean energy. Not everyone is able to control where they get their electricity, of course, but when a choice presents itself, choosing clean energy is the right thing to do. There’s more to it than short-term economics, namely social responsibility and reputation.

    There’s immense power in changing social norms. Economists don’t know quite how to capture their impact in models, but history reveals their potency. This is another way of making the point about transparency Jon made the other day (if you haven’t read his post, you should): what gets measured gets fixed. What gets attention from NGOs and the public will get attention from market analysts and corporate executives.

    National politicians in the U.S. have to tap dance around coal for various reasons, but civil society doesn’t. It can help expose coal power as akin to child labor—cheap and plentiful, perhaps, but archaic and inexcusable. Social norms are no substitute for legislation, but they’re powerful in their own right, and if Greenpeace needs to beat up a semi-innocent Facebook to help change them, well, omelets and broken eggs and all that.

    Related Links:

    Coal-Fired Power On the Way Out?

    Energy Secretary Steven Chu posts his nuclear rationale on Facebook

    NEWS: Occupation, Day of Action against mountaintop removal






  • AXE bodyspray pays for stinking up the atmosphere

    by Ashley Braun

    The AXE effect? Air pollution!

    Photo: Unlisted Sightings via Flickr

    Calling all smelly guys who AXE too much: We’re scenting you an order to cease and desist your deodorizing. California says your BO paranoia is stinking up the aerosols. Wouldn’t want to get a whiff of the $1.3 million in fines just to smell like a million dollars, now would eau?

    Related Links:

    Hipster puppies hate on cars

    How (not) to work out climate vs. weather at the office

    Could transparency make up for a lack of a carbon cap?






  • When the big guys want to do the right thing

    by Eric Burkett

    How green are those Cheerios? Well, no—you’re right—Cheerios shouldn’t be green, but I mean green green. Increasingly, restaurants and food service companies are weighing the need to green their operations and products but the results are often not what they anticipated.

    According to stories in this week’s issues of two food service industry magazines, QSR and Nation’s Restaurant News (NRN), greening up the kitchen is an effort fraught with as many potential pitfalls as it is possible benefits. Equally as frustrating to customers as it can be for the companies attempting to clean up their acts, many companies that are greening themselves aren’t seeing the payback or the recognition for which they’d hoped. In the worst cases, others are getting credit—a lot, in one case—they simply don’t deserve. More encouraging is that many food service companies are looking at green alternatives to current practices from an ethical viewpoint and not just profit motives.

    “Restaurateurs say an ethical obligation to go green, as well as a desire to reap the benefits of good public relations from eco-friendly moves, drive their decisions to embrace green strategies more so than expectations for solid returns on investment,” according to NRN.

    In a joint NRN/Retail Systems Research poll, 66 percent of restaurateurs surveyed said they believed going green would make their products more appealing to consumers, but nearly as many—63 percent—said they felt an ethical responsibility to improve their company’s sustainability as well. Another 63 percent hoped going green would boost the public’s perception of their company as being industry leaders. While 54 percent of those polled hoped they would see some sort of return on their green investment, nearly half—47 percent—said they didn’t know whether they would or even expect any such return.

    From a business and a green perspective, these are encouraging numbers. Sure, they’re not as high as they could be but they do demonstrate a solid movement in the right direction. Except, except … research conducted by Chicago business consultants Maddock Douglas, and Climate Counts, an organization which tracks the impact of corporate doings on the climate, demonstrates a huge disconnect between what companies are actually doing and the public’s perception of those efforts. Maddock Douglas’ research actually extends into 10 different business categories, but two of those categories are concerned with food.

    Many companies have proven quite successful in promoting their products as sustainable, but their actual practices are—gasp!—quite the opposite. In the Maddock Douglas survey of 2,032 U.S. adults, General Mills—the maker of brands ranging from Hamburger Helper to Muir Glen—ranked highest among companies in the food and beverage sector scoring 81 out of 100 possible points in public perception. However, General Mills, which also makes Cheerios, scored only 49 points based upon their actual practices.

    At the other end, Stoneyfield Farm and Unilever scored well below General Mills in public perception—in fact they ranked below Pepsico, Kellogg, and Kraft—but came in at 81 and 79 points respectively for their actual sustainability practices. Uniliver, incidently, produces Bertolli, Slim-Fast, and Knorr brands in addition to numerous others. Stoneyfield, of course, produces yogurt, milk, and ice cream and—by the way—helps to fund Climate Counts.

    Even in the food services industry, those perceptions are misleading. Wendy’s International—you know, the hamburger chain—scored highest among fast food chains in customer perceptions at a healthy 65 points. In actual sustainability, Wendy’s came in at 2. Yes. Two points. In the meanwhile, Starbucks pulled a 51-point ranking for their sustainability practices but scored only 48 for public perception. Burger King received 49 points for perceived greenness, but in practice they’re only eight points above Wendy’s, coming in at 10 points.

    Perception, of course, is just as important as practice. For the companies that are working to decrease their footprint—whether it’s in their kitchen or yours—recognition is vital for a couple of reasons. Looking good never hurts the bottom line, but when doing good goes unrecognized, it will hit the bottom line eventually as customers go to other companies they perceive—perhaps incorrectly—as being more environmentally or socially responsible.

    Other than that piddling little issue of ethical responsibility, why should a company sink that much money into an effort that won’t be rewarded, especially when they see competitors raking it in without making any sacrifices? Even more important, how will those companies who are trying to do the right thing survive if all their customers are going to those companies that aren’t?

    Related Links:

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  • Halliburton secret spurs investigation into gas-drilling practices

    by Jonathan Hiskes

    Louis Meeks’ well water contains methane gas, hydrocarbons, lead and copper, according to the EPA’s test results. When he drilled a new water well, it also showed contaminants. The drilling company Encana is supplying Meeks with drinking water.Abrahm Lustgarten / ProPublicaThere’s a scandal brewing about hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, a revolutionary process for extracting natural gas. It involves high-pressure underground blasts that, evidence suggests, could threaten the safety of drinking water.

    Now two of the most intrepid environmental protectors in Congress, Reps. Henry Waxman (D-Cali.) and Ed Markey (D-Mass.), are launching an inquiry. Investigative journalism outfit ProPublica has owned the fracking story and pushed it into the public’s attention. Here’s how they explain it:

    What the frack is it?

    The process , which forces highly pressurized water, sand and chemicals into rock to release the gas and oil locked inside, gives drillers unprecedented access to deeply buried gas deposits and vastly increases the country’s known energy reserves. [See an illustration.]

    What’s the fracking problem?

    As ProPublica has detailed in more than 60 articles, the process comes with risks. The fluids used in hydraulic fracturing are laced with chemicals—some of which are known carcinogens. And because the process is exempt from most federal oversight, it is overseen by state agencies that are spread thin and have widely varying regulations.

    The diesel connection…

    In 2004, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency examined hydraulic fracturing and determined it can be safe as long as diesel fuel isn’t added to the drilling fluids. The agency based its decision in part on a non-binding agreement it struck with the three largest drilling service companies—Halliburton, Schlumberger and B.J. Services—to stop using diesel.

    Newly released documents reveal…

    B.J. Services violated that agreement and that Halliburton continued to use diesel in other geologic formations not governed by the agreement. All three companies acknowledged using other potentially harmful chemicals, such as benzene, toluene, ethylbenzene and xylene.

    The investigation…

    Rep. Henry A. Waxman, D-Calif., who released the information [about Halliburton and B.J. Services] in a statement Thursday, announced that the House Committee on Energy and Commerce, which he chairs, is launching an investigation into potential environmental impacts from hydraulic fracturing.

    More from the Wall Street Journal and The Hill. But ProPublica has covered this story more thoroughly than anyone.

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