Author: Grist – the Latest from Grist

  • How innovative financing is changing energy in America

    by Cisco DeVries

    Property Assessed Clean Energy, or PACE,  has taken off like wildfire since the concept was first introduced in Berkeley, Calif. in October ‘07. PACE allows private property owners to pay for energy efficiency and renewable energy projects through an addition to their property tax bill, overcoming the high upfront costs that prevent most property owners from investing in such retrofits.

    PACE financing has the capacity to be transformative: property owners realize immediate savings on their utility bills with minimal money down; local green jobs are created through   increased demand for retrofitting goods and services; and greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions are dramatically reduced. With America’s building stock responsible for approximately 40 percent of its demand for energy, these kinds of improvements have the potential to get us significantly closer to our GHG reduction targets.  Recognizing the potential of this model, Scientific American magazine recently named PACE one of the top 20 ideas that can change the world.

    States around the country are recognizing the potential of PACE. Over the past 18 months, 16 states have adopted legislative changes to allow municipalities to use property taxes as a vehicle for private property improvements of this kind. In California, PACE financing can even be used for water conservation improvements. While many states and municipalities are just beginning the process of designing   their programs, several cities and counties around the country   already offer PACE financing to their residents, or are well on their way.

    The majority of municipalities participating in PACE are in California, which has laws in place to require GHG reductions. In addition to Berkeley,  the City of Palm Desert and the County of Sonoma have launched programs. San Francisco will launch in early March.  Those will be followed by over 200 more jurisdictions by this summer, including Los Angeles County, the City of San Diego, and 14 counties working together as part of the California Statewide Communities Development Authority program. Areas that have launched PACE financing have seen a high level of interest among property owners.  In Sonoma County, over 1,000 applications have already been received.

    The beauty of PACE is that it supports individuals who want to reduce their personal carbon footprint but might otherwise not have the resources to do so. By making reasonably-priced financing available to homeowners around the country, PACE is tapping into a pent-up demand for these services and quickly sparking increased demand for everything from tankless water heaters to insulation to solar panels and technicians who can install them.

    President Obama’s proposed “Cash for Caulkers” [pdf] program further encourages local governments to adopt the PACE model. This initiative aspires to retrofit 100 million homes and generate a million new jobs while reducing U.S. GHG emissions by 5 percent over the next 20 years.  These incentives are expected to greatly increase the demand for energy retrofits and PACE financing.

    Cash for Caulkers would allow eligible homeowners to reduce the cost of energy efficiency retrofits by up to 50 percent; used in concert with PACE financing (where available),  that means a homeowner could make energy efficiency improvements with virtually no out-of-pocket costs, pay half-price for those improvements, and pay off the remainder through a 20-year assessment on their property tax bill—while saving money on their utility bills.

    PACE is one example of how well-designed public-private partnerships can stimulate economic growth by supporting individual efforts to change energy consumption patterns. As America races to address climate change, all signs point to its tremendous expansion.

    Related Links:

    Smart meters save energy, water, and dollars

    State of the Union: Inefficient

    Supreme Court ruling increases importance of local energy






  • SmartPlanet is not going green

    by Jonathan Hiskes

    SmartPlanet is a newish venture from CBS Interactive. It promises to cover many of the topics that Grist readers (and staffers) care about. But there’s no mention of “green” on its About page, and barely a mention of “eco.” That would not have been true just a year or two ago.

    Finding ways to talk about these things—without relying on played-out buzzwords—is going to be a key task for drawing folks into the Great Big Project That Needs a New Name. And a fun challenge for creative wordmonkeys, Photoshop wizards, marketers, etc.

    Welcome to SmartPlanet.com. CBS Interactive has unveiled a new website dedicated to people who realize the need to make our world a better place to live, for all of us, and for generations to come. At SmartPlanet.com, you will find thought-provoking progressive ideas on diverse topics that intersect with technology, business, and life, and matter to the world at large. Whether you are making technology decisions for your business, or eco-conscious decisions for your home, SmartPlanet.com will give you the 360° coverage you need to feel informed and connected to the news and information that matters to you. Our content, and that from our partners, will help you stay ahead of the curve and recognize innovative and practical opportunities for your lives and your businesses. [Emphasis mine.]

    Related Links:

    Messaging that can save the clean energy bill

    Why you should go see ‘Fantastic Mr. Fox’

    A video for the Gourmet-nostalgic






  • U.N. scientist refutes Daily Mail claim he said Himalayan glacier error was politically motivated

    by Joseph Romm

    In an exclusive interview —“exclusive” in the sense that many of the people smearing Dr. Murari Lal haven’t bothered to ask him whether the original story was accurate—Dr. Lal asserts that the “most vilest allegations” in the Daily Mail story are utterly false.

    Sunday, the Daily Mail’s David Rose wrote a sensational piece supposedly based on direct quotes from Dr. Lal:

    The scientist behind the bogus claim in a Nobel Prize-winning UN report that Himalayan glaciers will have melted by 2035 last night admitted it was included purely to put political pressure on world leaders.

    Dr Murari Lal also said he was well aware the statement, in the 2007 report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), did not rest on peer-reviewed scientific research.

    In an interview with The Mail on Sunday, Dr Lal, the co-ordinating lead author of the report’s chapter on Asia, said: “It related to several countries in this region and their water sources. We thought that if we can highlight it, it will impact policy-makers and politicians and encourage them to take some concrete action.”

    As you’d expect, this was immediately trumpeted by Morano (a spreader of uber-disinformation since the days he helped launch the shameful Swift Boat smear against John Kerry).  You’d think that science reporters and major media would know enough to treat claims from such sources with a grain of salt (see “FoxNews pushes falsehood-filled Daily Mail article on global cooling that utterly misquotes, misrepresents work of Mojib Latif and NSIDC“). But of course they don’t (see “Exclusive interview with Dr. Latif, the man who confused the NY Times and New Scientist, the man who moved George Will and Morano to extreme disinformation”).

    At the very least, anyone who was going to repeat this inflammatory charge—let alone draw any conclusions from it—ought to have made a simple phone call to Dr. Lal, don’t you think?  But not Science News and U.S. News & World Report.

    Science News has been viewed with a lot of credibility, and their stuff is widely reprinted (even at CP).  But this piece of theirs is just not right:

    Science & the Public:  IPCC’s Himalayan glacier ‘mistake’ not an accident

    Newspaper reports that unsubstantiated numbers were used intentionally.

    A London newspaper reports today that the unsubstantiated Himalayan-glacier melt figures contained in a supposedly authoritative 2007 report on climate warming were used intentionally, despite the report’s lead author knowing there were no data to back them up.

    Until now, the organization that published the report—the Nobel Prize-winning Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change—had argued the exaggerated figures in that report were an accident: due to insufficient fact checking of the source material.

    Uh, no. It now appears the incident wasn’t quite that innocent.

    The Sunday Mail’s David Rose reached Murari Lal, the coordinating lead author of the 2007 IPCC report’s chapter on Asia. Lal told Rose that he knew there were no solid data to support the report’s claim that Himalayan glaciers—the source of drinking and irrigation water for downstream areas throughout Asia—could dry up by 2035. Said Lal: “We thought that if we can highlight it, it will impact policy makers and politicians and encourage them to take some concrete action.” In other words, Rose says, Lal “last night admitted [the scary figure] was included purely to put political pressure on world leaders.”

    A noble motive, perhaps, but totally inexcusable.

    Yes, this is “only” a blog entry by one Janet Raloff, but it almost immediately was reposted by U.S. News & World Report Science with their logo and that of Science News.

    Makes everything look very official and credible, when really the U.S. News piece is just a reposting of an unverified blog post on an erroneous story!  Yes, how ironic that the media is guilty of precisely what it has accused the IPCC of—running an unverified story!

    If the piece contains a bombshell charge against an individual scientist, somebody has to confirm the original story. Instead, the piece merely states:

    If Lal knowingly perpetuated unsubstantiated speculation in a purportedly authoritative document, that would constitute what we in journalism refer to as a “hanging offense”—the kind of action that gets you fired or at least heavily sanctioned….

    The Rose article also charges that Lal’s committee didn’t investigate challenges to glacier data in its chapter—challenges made by climate scientists prior to the IPCC report’s publication.

    I’ll be the first to acknowledge that I don’t know for certain what Lal and his team did or didn’t do. Journalism is not peer review. But our reporting can help policy makers and scientists know where further investigation is warranted. And it’s warranted here.

    If further investigation confirms that what Rose reported today is true, then Lal—and, through him, the IPCC—would have abrograted the public trust. And stupidly given ammunition to those who have made a sport of challenging solid climate science.

    Totally inexcusable.

    “Journalism is not peer review.”  Apparently journalism isn’t much more than the children’s game of telephone these days. Certainly it doesn’t seem to involve the use of a real telephone.

    Lal’s phone number is easy to find online, and I called him myself, even though it was after midnight in India (I hoped he was on travel), but he answered it immediately.

    He said these were “the most vilest allegations” and denied that he ever made such assertions. He said “I didn’t put it [the 2035 claim] in to impress policymakers….  We reported the facts about science as we knew them and as was available in the literature.”

    He told me:

    Our role was to bring out the factual science.  The fact is the IPCC has been very conservative.

    Note that Science News repeats the charge “that Lal’s committee didn’t investigate challenges to glacier data” but does not bother to repeat Lal’s assertion in the Daily Mail piece—which he made again to me—that he never saw any challenges to the glacier data. Certainly enough charges and counter charges have been made on this specific point that it should be looked into, but simply asserting it doesn’t make it true.

    One top climate scientist associated with the IPCC speaking to me off the record today said, “I know Murari Lal to be a straight-shooter. I take him at his word.”

    Lal said to me, “I was a lead author for the second assessment, third assessment, and fourth assessment and this is the first time in my life that I’ve been attacked like this.”

    Science News asserts:

    The IPCC report was supposed to reflect only peer-reviewed science. Not the speculation of scientists, which the initial source of that 2035 figure (Indian glaciologist Syed Hasnain) recently acknowledged it was. Nor should magazine articles or gray literature reports—like the World Wildlife Fund document that repeated the speculative 2035 figure—become the foundation for IPCC conclusions.Which is why IPCC specifically prohibits reliance on such documents.

    Interestingly, I thought that was true, too, but I decided to check with two top IPCC scientists, and they both confirmed to me that in fact, the IPCC does allow gray literature reports. And the IPCC explains this here (see Annex 2).

    Lal told me:

    We were allowed to cite gray literature provided that it looked to us to be good science.

    One leading climate scientist said he had thought that in the Fourth Assessment, the IPCC was going to clamp down more on this.

    To me, the peer-reviewed science contains more than enough to write reports on—see my summary of the literature in 2009, “The year climate science caught up with what top scientists have been saying privately for years.”  I think the IPCC needs to stop this practice of using gray literature, especially for quantitative matters.

    In any case, the 2035 figure was wrong—you can find the origin of the mistake here. And you can find the IPCC’s retraction here. And here’s what I think the IPCC should have done—“Memo to IPCC: Please reanalyze ALL of your conclusions about melting ice and sea level rise.”  The IPCC messed this up big time, and I’ll have more to say on that Tuesday.

    The bottom line here:  Reporters and major media outlets must stop parroting everything they read. If that’s all you’re going to do, you deserve to continue losing readers.

    Related Links:

    The Climate Post: Asian ice granted temporary stay of execution

    U.N. climate panel admits Himalayan glacier data ‘poorly substantiated’

    U.N. climate panel will probe disputed Himalayan glacier forecast






  • And the winner of the USDA food safety sweepstakes is …

    by Tom Laskawy

    Dr. Elisabeth Hagen! No, you’re not expected to know who she is. Suffice it to say that, as anticipated, USDA Chief Tom Vilsack turned to an under-the-radar choice for Under Secretary of Food Safety. Hagen, currently the USDA’s Chief Medical Officer, will, if confirmed, take charge of the Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS), which is responsible for the safety of meat and poultry products. The interesting aspect of this pick is that she is an infectious disease doc and public health specialist who has been working at USDA for several years—and thus should have a good grounding in food safety methods. It also means both the Under Secretary of Food Safety as well as the administrator of FSIS itself, Dr. Jerold Mande, will be medical doctors. One can hope we will on longer hear things like “I have to look at the entire industry, not just what is best for public health,” coming from top FSIS administrators.

    Hagen joined the USDA during the Bush administration so she’s neither a fresh face nor someone who is untainted by the food safety failings of the last few years. But neither does she appear to be an industry flunky. While I would have preferred an outsider who might come in and shake up the ossified USDA food safety culture, that was clearly too much to ask. It’s also true that no one outside of USDA seems to have had many dealings with Hagen, but hope abounds (via Food Safety News):

    Carol Tucker-Foreman, a distinguished fellow at The Food Policy

    Institute at Consumer Federation of America, responded to the

    announcement with guarded optimism. 

    “Consumer
    advocates who work closely with the FSIS on policy issues have had
    limited direct experience with Dr. Hagen. We have been told, however,
    that she has been a strong advocate for improved food safety policies
    and has urged the agency to be more aggressive in asking companies to
    initiate recalls.”

    Better recalls are certainly a start (if for no other reason than to give bloggers a break). Yet it strikes me that nothing in the pick undermines the argument that the FDA’s newly minted deputy commissioner for foods Michael Taylor is the true “national” head of food safety right now. That’s neither a good nor a bad thing, just political reality. And with the top jobs now filled, there’s no further excuse for inaction. At some point soon, in the course of fixing our broken system, Hagen and Taylor will have to take a stand: Is the future of meat safety in this country one of decontamination and post-hoc treatments for routinely infected products (aka “Zap the Crap”)? Or will the USDA attack the root causes of pathogens in our meat—an unrelenting focus on low quality, high quantity production methods. Dr. Hagen, please surprise us.

    Related Links:

    Battle for the soul of organic dairy farmers goes on behind the scenes

    USDA’s Deputy Secretary discusses local, organic farming

    Lesson for schools: sweetened junk shouldn’t count as food






  • Would you trade a bigger house for more happiness?

    by Ashley Braun

    In New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof’s column on Sunday, he recounts the story of then-14-year-old Hannah Salwen and her dad Kevin, and how a chance encounter with a homeless man catapulted their family into swapping their high-end home for a more modest abode and donating half of the proceeds to charity. Just reading that story either gives you the warm fuzzies (“So generous, so inspiring!”) or the heebie-jeebies (“Not everyone has that luxury, the show-offs”).

    The Salwen family chronicles its tale from have to half.To push you a little more toward the warm fuzzies, I’ll point out that not only did the Salwen family’s “sacrifice” fight hunger in Ghana through their donation to the Hunger Project, but it gave them the added benefit of becoming a closer family—both literally and figuratively. By moving to a smaller house, this family of four was forced to be around each other more often, which they discovered they actually enjoyed.

    “We essentially traded stuff for togetherness and connectedness,” Kevin Salwen told the NYT. “I can’t figure out why everybody wouldn’t want that deal.”

    At the heart of this story lies a deeper critique of the American obsession with consumption and the “bigger is better” mantra. We Americans shun the word “sacrifice,” but studies find that trading stuff for time with people quite often makes us happier, healthier, and more sustainable. Kristof cites one of my favorite scientific findings: When we act altruistically (volunteer, donate to charity, etc.), we get the same neurological high in our brains that food and sex impart. Being good really does feel good.

    Welcome to conscious consumption: it’s not just about what we buy (even if it is fair-trade, organic, local), it’s also about being intentional with what we already own and cutting out the excess. On a related note, because of the recent recession, Americans are buying less, but doing more. The Department of Labor, keeping tabs on how people spend their time, found that Americans were cooking or participating in “organizational, civic and religious activities” more in 2008 than in 2005. Cooking more? That’s music to Michael Pollan’s ears. Engaging with communities more? That’s a hopeful and meaningful sign of progress toward sustainable, climate-friendly cities.

    The Salwens are preparing to publish a book, The Power of Half, about their experience of giving up bigger for better and how others can similarly donate excess in their own lives for a good cause. Can a teenager’s enthusiasm for social equity encourage a bigger shift toward conscious consumption?

    For more on the Salwen family’s adventures in altruism, watch this video from the Today show:

    Related Links:

    Raj Patel on Colbert

    Win a signed copy of ‘Antarctica 2041’! [updated]

    Never mind what people believe—how can we change what they do? A chat with Robert Cialdini






  • Washington Times puts screws to city’s food provider, Chartwells

    by Ed Bruske

    By some sort of crazy coincidence, a reporter for the Washington Times was investigating Chartwells, the contracted food provider for D.C. Public Schools, at the same time that I was spending a week in a school kitchen discovering just how bad our school food is.

    Times reporter Jeffrey Anderson, meanwhile, reveals in a report today that Chartwells in the past has continued to use the same foods that have been linked to disease outbreaks in different cities where they hold school contracts. The Times questions whether the food Chartwells is serving in D.C. actually complies with federal standards. It also rakes the food provider for failing to provide nutritional information for the food it serves, for defending the practice of serving desserts to children in Chicago and for serving “cheese nachos on a daily basis as a means of getting children to partake in school lunch options.”

    The report also notes that Chartwells’ local partner here in the District, Thompson Hospitality, “one of the largest minority-owned food service contractors in the United States,” has been a contributor to the campaign chest of D.C. Mayor Adrian Fenty.

    District schools hired Chartwells to provide food for the city’s 40,000 public school students after acclaimed and sometimes embattled administrator Michelle A. Rhee took over as chancellor in 2007 and opted to privatize the school lunch program. Her goal, according to the Times, “was to provide schoolchildren with tastier and healthier meals.”

    “The mayor and I want to introduce students to a variety of foods to help train their palates to choose healthier foods for the rest of the lives,” the paper quotes Rhee as saying in a Febryary 2008 press conference.

    That’s a far cry from the food I observed during the week I spent in the kitchen at my daughter’s elementary school, H.D. Cooke, here in the District. What I saw being fed to children on a daily basis was highly processed and adulterated foods manufactured in distant factories and shipped frozen to D.C. schools, where they could easily be re-heated and served on the steam table. Overcooked vegetables, as well as those served plain and raw, are rejected by students. Children are served Pop Tarts and Goldfish “Giant Grahams” for breakfast, along with flavored milks that rival Coca-Cola and Mountain Dew for sugar content. Scrambled eggs are manufactured with 11 ingredients and shipped frozen, virtually flavorless, from Minnesota.

    The Times cites a special education teacher and doctoral degree candidate at George Washington University, Ed Vitelli, who on his own sought information on school lunches in D.C. and was rebuffed by Chartwells and the city’s schools administration. Vitelli has since filed a Freedom of Information Act request with D.C. Schools seeking detailed information about nutrition in school meals. He still does not have a response a month later.

    The paper said neither Chartwells nor its parent company Compass Group—an international conglomerate that owns many other school food operations—would comment for its report. In my own case, I have twice e-mailed the Chartwells nutritionist, Whitney Bateson, offering unlimited space on my blog to respond to the six-part series I published. I have had no response to those offers.

    The paper says that, according D.C. records, the city has paid Chartwells $29.6 million to feed children in the public school systems and that the contract for 2010 totals $27.9 million.

    The Times report cites an incident in Racine, Wis., in which it said 100 children at five schools fell ill after eating tortillas served by Chartwells, This, it said, occurred after Chartwells “failed to notify school officials in Racine, Wis., of previous reports of tortilla contamination and a national recall by the Food and Drug Administration in 2006.”

    Three years earlier, according to the Times, Chartwells “had served tortillas from the same company to students in Revere, Mass., many of whom also became sick.”

    Chartwells provides food to more than 500 school districts across the country.

    Related Links:

    Tales from a D.C. school kitchen: Better school food—can we get there from here?

    Did Jamie Oliver meet his match in ‘America’s Fattest City’?

    Tales from a D.C. school kitchen: How food service turns a green school into an enviro hog






  • Tales from a D.C. school kitchen: Better school food—can we get there from here?

    by Ed Bruske

    Ed Bruske recently spent a week in the kitchen at H.D. Cooke Elementary School in the District of Columbia observing how food is prepared. This is the last of a six-part series of posts about what he saw. Read parts 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5. Cross-posted from The Slow Cook.

    When I asked to spend time observing the kitchen operation at my daughter’s elementary school, I thought I was going to see people cook. The food service provider for D.C. Public Schools, Chartwell-Thompson, had recently ditched the old method of feeding kids with pre-packaged meals from a food factory and replaced it with something they called “fresh cooked.” Being one of those folks who’s trying to return to cooking from scratch with fresh, local ingredients, I was anxious to see how Chartwell’s plan would play out.

    Was I ever in for a surprise. As I soon discovered, there wasn’t much “fresh” about the food being served at H.D. Cooke Elementary School. When I passed through the doors of the “Kid’s Stop Cafe,” I walked straight into the maws of the industrial food system, where meals are composed of ingredients out of a food chemist’s lab, where highly processed food is doused with all sorts of additives and preservatives in distant factories, then cooked and shipped frozen so that it can be quickly reheated with minimal skill and placed on a steam table.

    Like many of the parents who’ve been reading this series for the last five days, and communicating with me via our school listserv, I was perplexed by the sheer banality of so much processed, canned and sugar-injected food being fed to our children on a daily basis; disappointed that no one seemed to take issue with this sort of food service; chagrined that pizza and Pop Tarts and candied cereals were being served so routinely alongside Mountain Dew masquerading as milk—and all of it here in the nation’s capitol, right outside Michelle Obama’s door.

    Are these really the lessons we want our kids to learn about food?

    While I and other parents were feeling a little let down by what this witness account revealed, it would have come as little surprise to any of the thousands of school food service directors around the country. What I saw in the kitchen at H.D. Cooke reflects a culmination of trends that have been converging for decades in school cafeterias, a perfect storm, if you will, of industrialized food methods, meager school food budgets and federal government policy.

    The National School Lunch Program traces its roots to the Great Depression when cash-strapped farmers were happy to have Uncle Sam buy their crop surpluses and donate them to schools. In the 1940s, this turned into a formal policy of ongoing federal support for school lunch. But Southern senators  insisted on states rights when it came to deciding how federal dollars were spent, and for years resisted efforts to make school lunch a poverty program or increase funding to extend it into poor, black, urban schools.

    School lunch has always been subject to regional—and even racial—politics.

    In the 1960s, however, the nation was rocked when it learned there were actually poor and hungry children about the land. When Lyndon Johnson declared his War on Poverty, the school lunch program officially became a primary means of fighting hunger. Subsidized breakfasts soon followed. Then Ronald Reagan arrived on the scene. He may not have succeded in his famous effort to have ketchup declared a vegetable, but he was able to gut the budget for school lunches. Schools are still dealing with Reagan’s “smaller government” legacy.

    In the budget squeeze, schools turned to brand-name fast food giants such as Taco Bell to supply lunches. They enlisted commercial food service companies to bring economies of scale to the school routine and to schools that did not have their own kitchens. They attacked the biggest cost of food service—labor—by letting skilled cooks go, cutting back hours so emplyees no longer qualified for benefits, hiring people at lower rates who knew only how to heat and serve—the so-called “thawer-outers.”

    Meanwhile, the U.S. Department of Agriculture continued to supply schools that qualified with free commodity products—truckloads of beef, poultry, cheese, potatoes. But schools found they could make better use of these commodities if they were shipped directly to large food processors. Now the schools trade those raw commodities for finished products that come with benefits: not only do the schools not have to pay for skilled labor to process raw foods, they face much less risk of diseases that sometimes accompany raw products. Liability issues transfer to the big processors, and what the schools receive is a finished, precooked, frozen meal item that only needs to be heated in an oven before it can be served to students. Furthermore, large processors can design on a grand scale foods that fulfill the nutritional requirements set forth by the federal government.

    So who needs to cook?

    That’s a simplified explanation for why the scrambled eggs you see on the steam table at H.D. Cooke for breakfast are actually a manufactured product with 11 different ingredients cooked in a factory in Minnesota and delivered 1,100 miles frozen in plastic bags to the District of Columbia. There are many other reasons why prefabricated, industrial convenience foods have so completely insinuated themselves into school menus.

    In her book Free for All: Fixing School Food in America, Janet Poppendieck, a sociology professor at Hunter College, City University of New York, says most school food service directors are convinced that kids come to school wanting the same foods they eat at home or in fast food restaurants. That’s why so many kids crave pizza, french fries, hamburgers. This puts schools in a bind because of the way federal subsidies are structured for the lunch program: schools only receive reimbursements for meals they actually serve.

    Schools now treat students as “customers,” designing menus around things they think students will buy. That’s not so much an issue in an elementary school such as H.D. Cooke, where everybody eats from the same steam table. But as kids get older—middle school, high school—they start looking for more options. They might refuse the reimbursable meal. They might eat off-campus. That’s why schools introduced “competetive foods,” either at “a la carte” stations separate from the reimbursable lunch line, or in vending machines. And that’s how it’s possible for kids to eat pizza and fries every day at school—or maybe just chips and soda. Healthy or not, schools need the revenue from those sales to fund the overall food program if the reimbursable meals aren’t being eaten.

    As if there were not already enough complications, school food service providers also have a gun to their head where the contents of the meals are concerned. For instance, they are supposed to provide a minimum number of calories at meals, but also restrict the level of fat in meals to no more than 30 percent. As I described in part four of the series, meal planners end up replacing fat calories with carbohydrates, often in the form of sugar.

    I’ve tried not to interject my personal views into these posts, but here I will make a prediction: One day we will regret what Poppendieck calls the “war on fat” and what it has meant in terms of removing flavor and succulence from school food and adding too many starchy and refined foods to kids’ diets. The focus should be less on the amount of fat we eat, and more on what kind of fat.

    The human body is a remarkable mechanism that can metabolize all kinds of foods. It requires only two macro-nutrients for survival: fat and protein. Kids these days are being bombarded with polyunsaturated, omega-6 fats from corn and soybeans. Both of these crops are subsidized by U.S. tax dollars, which makes them abundant. But while they may be great for feeding livestock, making high-fructose corn syrup, or providing the fat content for nearly every prepared food on grocery store shelves, their oils are something humans never evolved eating. What’s sorely lacking in school meals—as well as meals in general—are healthy fats such as the mono-unsaturated fats in olive oil, canola oil and nuts, the omega-3 fats from oily fish, pastured meats, eggs, and flax seed. 

    (In defiance of popular diet pronouncements, some Americans have embraced coconut oil, a saturated vegetable fat with a bad rap. Coconut oil is not your typical saturated fat: it consists of medium-chain fatty acids that are quickly metabolized for energy. Half the fatty acids in coconut oil are lauric acid, a potent antimicrobial also prominent in mother’s milk. It may not be politically correct, but coconut oil has been sustaining tropical natives for thousands of years and probably deserves a closer look.)

    Meals without enough fat are bland. And we know that too much sugar can’t be good for an epidemic of childhood obesity. Industrial food has amply demonstrated that kids can be overfed and malnourished at the same time. As one food service director quoted by Poppendieck says, “you cannot base the school lunch program on what is the cheapest and what’s the easiest to get them to eat. That is a recipe for obesity.”

    But can we really serve “fresh cooked” food in schools with all of these issues at play? Ann Cooper, the “renegade chef” who famously teamed with Alice Waters to introduce meals cooked from scratch with fresh ingredients in Berkeley, Calif., schools, and now presides as nutritionist for schools in Boulder, Colo., says it really boils down to working harder, being more creative, and having the will to do it.

    In my own classes teaching “food appreciation” to kids in the after-school program at a private elementary school in D.C., I’ve seen children try and enjoy all sorts of foods—including vegetables—when they have a chance to handle them and prepare them themselves. Kids will happily peel potatoes, grate carrots, chop onions all day if you give them the tools. We’ve been on a world food tour for the last year, currently sampling the cuisine of Africa. Last week we made a signature stew from Angola—muamba de galinha —with chicken and lots of vegetables—onions, tomatoes, garlic, okra, acorn squash—and palm oil. This was something none of us had seen before. But the kids wolfed it down and begged for seconds.

    I know it sounds like just the sort of program that has earned Alice Waters an “elitist” tag. But I’m hear to say, it really works. “Healthy Schools” legislation pending before the D.C. Council calls for a strong education component to go with a farm-to-school program, as well as demanding that schools serve local farm products “whenever possible.” Now there’s talk of building a facility with capacity to process and freeze enough local produce to serve the entire school system.

    But don’t creative meals using fresh ingredients cost more? And wouldn’t that mean hiring skilled chefs, another cost item?

    Perhaps what it comes down to is a couple of simple questions: What kind of food do we want to feed our children? How much are we willing to spend? The French, who really care about food, spend triple what we do on school meals. The Italians spend double.

    Not all food service authorities are convinced that cooking from scratch is the answer. “If the kids are not eating home-cooked meals at home, then they are not going to want those in school,” Poppendieck quotes one as saying. “The issue is we have to give kids what they are used to eating. We have to give them what they are familiar with. And we can’t be the trendsetters and go back to home-coked food if that’s not what they are getting at home.”

    I wasn’t one of those millions of fans who cheered Michelle Obama on when she started her vegetable garden. I thought she should have located the garden at a needy school instead of on the White House grounds. But I’m happy to admit I was wrong. The First Lady proved that she wields enormous influence. She captured the world’s imagination with the simple act of planting seeds. She embraced foods grown locally and sustainably as the foundation for a healthful diet, and declared child wellness her personal mission. She may deliver the National School Lunch Program to yet another pivotal transformation—more than a commodity program, more than a battle against hunger, school lunch as a teachable moment. She deserves our full attention.

    Can she really undo what it has taken decades of persistent industry effort and government policy to put in place? Can she really get kids to think differently about food? She certainly has her work cut out for her. School food, says Poppendieck, “is simultaneously tasked with alleviating poverty, ending hunger, reducing waste, controlling spending, and overcoming childhood obesity, along with its original goals of safeguarding the health and well-being of the nation’s children and encouraging the domestic consumption of nutritious agricultural commodities. It’s a tall order, to say the least.”

    After spending a week watching how school food is prepared, I certainly don’t claim to have a magic solution for all the issues bedeviling the school lunch program. But I do have a suggestion: Michelle Obama can’t do it alone. Adults—all of us—need to take responsiblity for the food kids eat.

    Related Links:

    USDA’s Deputy Secretary discusses local, organic farming

    Washington Times puts screws to city’s food provider, Chartwells

    [UPDATED] While the big cats cower, time to build robust food economies






  • Is there anything left for America to manufacture?

    by Terry Tamminen

    Growing up in the 1950s, “Made in Japan” was synonymous with “cheap junk.” Responding to the needs of a world that hungered for more labor-saving devices, Japanese manufacturers shifted to higher-value products and quality improved. Today, “Land of the Rising Sun” companies like Honda boast the hydrogen-powered Clarity automobile and Toto makes high-tech toilets that do everything from chemically analyze your urine to heat water that massages your backside.

    American manufacturing: Can it be Born Again?Photo: scorzonera via FlickrIn those same decades, American manufacturing has gone from the global leader in innovation and quality to a laggard in producing almost anything. Just as Japan reinvented its manufacturing base ahead of massive global economic and technological demand, can “Made in America” once again mean something special—this time ahead of the needs of both the economy and the environment?

    Many economists argue that manufacturing—and the jobs it creates—is crucial to long-term economic stability. Such reasoning makes sense, because a factory takes time to build and often requires infrastructure investments, like roads, ports, and rail lines, which are also permanent. The beneficial ripple effect includes property taxes pumped into local economies, workers who buy new homes, and utilities that scale up to power the machinery, further enhancing long-term, stable economic growth.

    But is there anything left for America to manufacture, given that we have clearly lost our manufacturing mojo to places like Japan for innovation (compare Toyota’s Prius to GM’s Hummer) and China for cost (what product in Walmart is not made in China?)? The answer is yes—if we focus on products for the growing low-carbon economy.

    For example, the Lyman-Morse boatyard in Thomaston, Maine has a multi-generational reputation for excellence in boat building, but has seen orders drop during the current recession. They turned their skills to manufacturing ZeroBase, a solar-powered generator that replaces the need for diesel fuel to get 24/7 energy at homes, factories, or remote locations. Controlled via the Internet and built to withstand the same rigors that would normally assault a New England lobster boat, the ZeroBase solar generator is now in use by the military at forward bases in Afghanistan (where refueling traditional generators costs a breathtaking $800 per gallon and risks lives, according to senior Air Force official, and is about to be shipped to Haiti to power field hospitals. Lyman-Morse kept over 100 highly-skilled workers in manufacturing jobs in the process.

    In California this month, Cobalt Biofuels cut the ribbon on a factory to make transportation fuels from all kinds of plant materials, including stalks and other biological waste materials. When completed, the factory will employ 1,300 workers and be among the world leaders in producing efficient alternatives to oil. Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger credits his manufacturing equipment tax credit for landing the factory in California and according to a study by the University of California (Berkeley), California’s incentives and low-carbon energy policies will create over 400,000 jobs in the next decade and increase household income by $48 billion—most of that in some type of green tech manufacturing.

    The lesson is that the U.S. can revitalize its essential manufacturing sector by focusing on products that deliver the low carbon economy that consumers around the world now hunger for—new ways to use common solar panels, such as ZeroBase; sustainable alternatives to oil, such as Cobalt; and things like energy efficient controls or lighting, to name a few. In essence, make better versions for the future of the products that other countries are making in business-as-usual ways today.

    I don’t know what someone in Japan thinks now when they see a product with the label “Made in America,” but I do know what color they would be if we focus on low carbon product manufacturing—green—as in a greener environment, more greenbacks for the U.S. economy, and just plain green with envy.

    Related Links:

    U.S. feeds one quarter of its grain to cars while hunger is on the rise

    Small cars make it big at Detroit Auto Show [slideshow]

    Ford Fusion Hybrid wins 2010 Car of the Year, no green spin needed






  • Supreme Court ruling increases importance of local energy

    by John Farrell

    The vision of a massive nationwide superhighway of high voltage transmission lines may have died last week in the Supreme Court. And that’s not necessarily a bad thing.  

    Overshadowed by the (terrible) Citizens United ruling, the Supreme Court essentially upheld the right of states to block high voltage transmission wires. At issue was the right of the federal government to override a state’s veto of a new transmission line. Electric utilities had appealed the Piedmont Environmental Council’s victory in a lower court decision, but the high court’s refusal to review means that states will retain the authority to refuse new high voltage transmission lines.   

    In recent months, there has been significant pressure to create a nationwide transmission “superhighway” for renewable energy, with distinct onramps for new wind and solar in the Midwest and Southwest and offramps delivering that power to the West and East. Rapid construction of this system requires both federal preemption of state review of transmission planning and new formulas for cost-sharing between onramp and offramp states.  

    The SCOTUS decision means we have to find another way. And this isn’t a bad thing.

    First, high voltage lines are incredibly unpopular. No one wants them in their community. NIMBY activists—many of them environmentalists—can block (will block) their construction in countless states for decades. What is equally unpopular is seizing land to build them. Finally, the beltway vision of importing energy to every state isn’t all that popular out here in the states.

    States prefer sharing the benefits renewable energy development to sharing the costs of a transmission superhighway (especially if they’re only paying for “offramps”). In May 2009, the governors of ten East Coast states wrote to senior members of Congress to protest proposals that “could jeopardize our states’ efforts to develop wind resources…”  They added, “it is well accepted that local generation is more responsive and effective in solving reliability issues than long distance energy inputs.”  In November 2009, five Western governors joined the fray, writing an opposition letter to U.S. Senate leaders who were proposing greater federal preemption of state authority. “Region wide cost allocation proposals [for high voltage transmission] may hinder our states’ efforts to develop renewable resources and establish federal jurisdiction in an area traditionally handled by states,” the governors said.  

    Finally, federal preemption for this transmission superhighway would—ironically—undermine efficient energy planning. Federal Energy Regulatory Commission operators have explicitly said that they will not and do not review alternatives to transmission. States, however, are often required to examine alternatives, from robust energy efficiency to local renewable energy generation on the distribution grid.  

    Federal preemption of transmission planning—politically unpopular and costly—would have been a serious detour from the popular and effective course toward clean energy being set at the state level.

    Instead, we need to embrace the vision of local clean energy building local economies.

    For example, ACEEE has detailed the stunning potential to reduce states’ fossil fuel footprint with energy efficiency. Virginia could get 19 percent of its 2025 electric load from energy efficiency savings; Ohio and Pennsylvania could meet 33 percent of their 2025 load with efficiency; initial results from smart grid pilots by IBM in Fayetteville, N.C., found energy consumption reductions of 15 percent.  

    States can build up their own renewable energy generation—and their economies—as they reduce their load.  A perfect example: Minnesota’s utilities performed a state-mandated study of the state’s grid and found hundreds of megawatts of capacity for distributed renewables with minimal investments in new transmission. The Institute for Local Self-Reliance recently released a report I co-authored, “Energy Self-Reliant States,” that vividly illustrates how states can tap the energy and economic benefits of their own renewable energy resources. The report finds that two-thirds of states could be totally self-reliant on in-state renewable energy resources with sufficient storage.  

    Energy advocates share the goal of transitioning quickly to a clean energy future. The Supreme Court has meant that future is driven by local energy. And that is a good thing.

    Related Links:

    Smart meters save energy, water, and dollars

    State of the Union: Inefficient

    How innovative financing is changing energy in America






  • Low expectations for Obama’s State of the Union speech

    by David Roberts

    Barack Obama’s first official State of the Union speech is tomorrow at 6pm Pacific. Pondering what to say about it, I’ve become a bit nostalgic for Bush-era SOTUs. We’d all gather around the screen and wait for him to say the word “energy” or, in a few rare cases, “climate.” When he said the U.S. is “addicted to oil” it was news for weeks. It was all so simple then.

    Expectations are higher for Obama; therein lies the rub. All of 2009 was a process of downsizing expectations. Now it seems the big news of the speech is going to be a three-year freeze in non-security discretionary spending. When you dig into the details there’s not much to this—it’s actually a two-year freeze, based on 2011 spending levels, which are unusually jacked up. It’s like using a 2005 baseline to say you’re cutting carbon (ahem). So the spending discipline is notional, which is good: It would, after all, be idiotic to substantially cut federal spending during an economic downturn with 10% unemployment.

    But who is supposed to be fooled? It won’t make much impact on the deficit; it won’t reduce unemployment. It might win some token praise from Republicans and conservative Democrats, but in exchange for what? Will they lift a finger to help the rest of Obama’s agenda? Most of all, this could not be more demoralizing for a Democratic base that’s already choked down insufficient stimulus, grinding diminution of the clean energy bill, the implosion of health care reform, total regulatory capture by the financial industry,  and a large increase in already stratospheric military spending.

    While it may not be much of a substantive concession, Obama’s spending freeze is a high-profile (and panicky looking) affirmation of basic conservative framing: cutting the deficit is an appropriate response to economic downturn; government spending is bloated; there’s enough “wasteful spending” to trim our way to a balanced budget. As Nate Silver says, this is going to make every subsequent initiative more difficult:

    Every time the Democrats propose a jobs bill, or a big investment in alternative energy, you’re going to have Krauthammer and Kristol chomping at the bit to go on Fox News and proclaim Obama to be a hypocrite. Pity Robert Gibbs trying to parse his way out of that.

    The freeze sends the message that the increased support for clean energy RD&D in the stimulus bill was temporary; there will be no sustained national campaign to invest in a bright green future.

    Given that its marquee proposal is a pound of flesh for conservatives in the guise of “focusing on the economy,” what can be expected from Obama’s speech with regard to the clean energy bill now in the Senate?

    (As an aside: how inane is it that health care and clean energy bills that reduce the deficit will likely be eclipsed by … small-fry, purely symbolic gestures at reducing the deficit?)

    There’s plenty Obama could do if he wanted to galvanize supporters and signal new commitment to his core objectives. He could threaten to veto any bill that doesn’t contain a hard cap on CO2 emissions. He could state clearly that revenue from a price on carbon should be divided between direct dividends to households and investments in a clean energy future. He could stand foursquare behind the EPA’s authority to regulate greenhouse gases, with or without a bill. He could call for a substantial and permanent increase in the level of public investment in clean energy R&D and infrastructure. He could remind Congress that it stands in the way of international efforts to deal with an oncoming catastrophe.

    Will he do any of those things? I doubt it. My guess is the best to hope for is an explicit mention of the need for a carbon cap alongside energy provisions in the Senate. Maybe this will be oblique, a reference to “comprehensive legislation.” Maybe it will even be explicit. But will Obama seriously lean on the Senate to strengthen the bill? Will he set high expectations or issue a moral call to action? Given the deference he’s shown Congress up to now, it seems unlikely.

    One long-shot I’ll be watching for: in his upcoming jobs plan Obama will include a program to retrofit homes for energy efficiency. (“Home Star”—see here and here.) I know lots of work has been going on behind the scenes to shape this program and get it ready for rollout. Perhaps it will be highlighted in the speech;  maybe there will even be a big number attached.

    But if there’s one thing I’ve learned in 2009, it’s this: don’t get your hopes up.

    Related Links:

    In State of the Union, Obama panders to conservatives on ‘clean energy’

    The climate and energy section of Obama’s State of the Union speech

    State of the Union: Inefficient






  • Messaging that can save the clean energy bill

    by David Roberts

    Frank LuntzI finally got around to reading through the latest polling and focus group results from messaging whiz Frank Luntz. Luntz, for those of you who don’t already know, is infamous in green circles as the author of a 1995 memo coaching Republicans on how to win the environmental messaging war. (See Amanda Little’s 2007 interview with Luntz about the memo and more.)

    Now he’s been conscripted by the forces of good and light, and his latest results are geared toward helping to find a bipartisan path forward on climate and energy. The full report is here (PDF); a couple of themes pop out.

    The first thing to note is that, contrary to conventional wisdom, Democrats are incredibly well-positioned to make climate/energy an electoral advantage.

    Why? Luntz found—as virtually all polls on the subject have found over the last decade—that substantial majorities believe climate change is happening, human beings are responsible, and something needs to be done about it. That is true across party lines.

    It’s worth repeating: the public accepts climate change and wants to address it. That battle is won. All the bloggers and cable TV talkers arguing over the latest scientific pseudo-scandal? They’re only talking to each other. Despite Herculean efforts by greens to educate the public and popularize the issue, most people just aren’t particularly interested in the details of climate change as such. It’s not a top priority.

    What the public wants, and what polls well, are forward-looking, no-regrets solutions. The key focus for messaging ought to be on the benefits of action. If the public empowers Democrats to reform energy use via legislation,  performance standards, and public investments,  what will the public receive in exchange?

    The benefits the public most prioritizes are energy independence, good health, American jobs, and accountability for businesses and corporations. Any supporter of climate action with access to a microphone, Democrat or sane Republican,  should be hitting those four themes over and over and over and over and over and over again until they have bored the pants off the reporters covering them. And themselves. No one should have any pants.

    With those four themes occupying 99% of the messaging,  1% can be divided among: polar bears, ice caps, carbon neutrality,  clean energy tax credits, renewable energy portfolios, and … God help us all … “cap-and-trade.”

    Health care should have been a warning. Arguably, what’s turned the American public against health care reform is not the substance of the legislation but the endless, contentious, torturous process of creating it. The public hates sausage-making and back-room dealing; they hate vituperative disputes over mechanisms and statistics. They hate politics, really. They just want their leaders to do right by them.

    “Cap-and-trade” puts process jargon squarely in the spotlight. Predictably enough, it’s been a disaster. It means nothing to the public,  a blank slate to be filled by competing PR campaigns.  Greenish politicos are stuck explaining policy details many if not most of them don’t understand, while conservatives quickly inscribed the term with well-established narratives— intrusive government,  taxes, socialism, etc.—that resonate with their overall strategy and identity. It was always an unfair fight and it’s only destined to get worse. Allowing cap-and-trade to become the center of the discussion is the greatest green messaging failure of the last decade.

    The key for clean energy supporters is to wrest the discussion away from policy mechanisms and IPCC statistics and toward the benefits of climate/energy solutions: energy independence, good health,  American jobs, and accountability for businesses and corporations.

    Some have been good about this. Ironically, some of the best messaging came from Waxman and Markey, in the House, way back 400 years ago when this process got underway. But they were never able to enforce any message discipline on their colleagues and the media proved, as usual, utterly resistant to new thoughts. The White House has been good on the jobs and economy messaging but the Senate has been predictably awful, with conservadems from coal and ag states amplifying conservative attacks.

    The only thing that can rescue the bill needed to give markets predictable rules of the road,  international partners reassurance that the U.S. is serious, and Dems a victory after the tragicomic implosion of health care reform is a concerted effort to change the narrative. That could begin on Wednesday night, with Obama’s State of the Union speech, but it would only survive if the rest of the Dem caucus and the progressive messaging infrastructure rowed in the same direction.

    You know. How that happens.

    Related Links:

    Obama and Kerry continue to push for climate bill

    In State of the Union, Obama panders to conservatives on ‘clean energy’

    Apple’s new iPad is deep green, but a planet saver? Nope.






  • The six Americas of climate change

    by Clark Williams-Derry

    Researchers at George Mason University and Yale broke down U.S. public opinion into six different categories [pdf], based on people’s belief in, and concern about, global warming. 

    For the nickel version, see the graphic below:

    Of course, I’m sure there are more than six ways of slicing this pie. It seems likely to me that public opinion lies in a continuum, rather than in six discrete groups.

    Still, the authors’ analysis yields some interesting findings. My favorite is this: folks who are convinced that global warming is a hoax—the “Dismissives”—admit they haven’t thought all that much about the issue (see Figure 6 on page 14 of the pdf) yet rank themselves as extremely knowledgeable and well informed (see Figure 7).

    That should tell us something: for many climate skeptics, facts don’t matter much. They’ve only given the subject a bit of thought, but are still convinced that they know the answers. I don’t mean to be snarky, but to me this suggests that some “Dismissives” may suffer from some version of the Dunning-Kruger effect—the idea that people are very poor judges of their own incompetence. That probably makes many “Dismissives” unreachable: when facts confront their biases, the facts bounce off and the biases stand firm. (I’m sure that’s true of us all, to some degree or another.)

    And here’s another point: press accounts of climate issues often include spokespeople at the poles; reporters balance quotes from the “Alarmed” with quotes from the “Dismissive.”  Yet the “Six Americas” report suggests that the process of “balancing” reporting by providing quotes and perspectives from both sides of the debate gives a skewed representation of public opinion.  The “alarmed” and “concerned” make up about 51 percent of the population, while the “doubtful” and “dismissive” represent 18 percent.  Yet if you look at standard he-said-she-said reporting, you might think that opinion is roughly split down the middle.

    I’d be very interested in seeing this analysis applied to actual climate scientists. After all, the question of whether climate change is a real threat can’t be decided by a popularity contest or a public opinion poll; the debate is over facts, not opinions.  Many of the climate scientists I’ve met fall into some sort of category far beyond Alarmed—like “Super-Duper-Mega-Alarmed”—and one has fallen somewhere between Cautious and Doubtful (though certainly not Disengaged).  The closest thing we have to this kind of weighing of the collective opinions of professional climate scientists is the IPCC report—essentially, a survey of the opinions of the super-informed.  And contrary to the scorn of the Dismissives, that report leaves little doubt about where the scientific consensus falls.  From the that report:

    Most of the observed increase in global average temperatures since the mid-20th century is very likely due to the observed increase in anthropogenic GHG concentrations.

    I’d think that sort of statement would be hard to dismiss; but apparently, that’s just my opinion.

    This post originally appeared at Sightline’s Daily Score blog.

    Related Links:

    It’s cold outside—What happened to global warming?

    32000 scientists dispute global warming?

    What does climate consensus look like?






  • Did Jamie Oliver meet his match in ‘America’s Fattest City’?

    by Tom Laskawy

    When last we saw British superstar chef-turned-food-system-reformer Jamie Oliver, he was in the midst of teaching “the fattest city in America” how to cook. How did it go? Well, thanks to the miracle that is reality television, we’ll find out one episode at a time. The series—Jamie Oliver’s Food Revolution—doesn’t premiere until the end of March. But ABC has provided us a sneak peak. Key takeaway? The recalcitrant residents of Huntington, West Virginia have driven poor Jamie to tears. Tom says check it out:

    Other than making for compelling television, will Jamie’s efforts to teach America how to cook again pan out? I’m skeptical. A few month back I wrote about research that suggests government regulation is a crucial component of a healthy food system. According to one study [PDF] by renowned health economist David Cutler, countries that “support traditional agriculture and delivery systems have lower rates of obesity.” Here’s what I said about it at the time:

    We, of course, protect producers, too but since the 60s have focused
    our supports almost entirely on “feedstocks” for processed food and
    meat, i.e. commodity crops like corn and soy. Much of Europe protected
    a far more diverse selection of crops as well as artisanal food
    products and that turns out to be a benefit in the battle against
    obesity. And they also acted to control prices on the consumer end to
    keep “traditional,” i.e. unprocessed, foods more affordable. And it
    worked.

    Americans on the other hand had to experience the full brunt of this
    technological (and marketing) tidal wave unprotected. And as a result,
    we failed. So some are now trying to fortify even reconstruct our
    dessicated food culture with lists of food rules and kitchen literacy, essentially bolstering our collective
    self-control. This is necessary and important. But societal problems
    won’t be solved merely by writers and celebrity chefs sternly
    instructing everyone to “do the right thing.”

    I still believe that. But, even so, Jamie’s show looks like fun. And who knows? Maybe in the end, he wins…

    Related Links:

    Washington Times puts screws to city’s food provider, Chartwells

    Lesson for schools: sweetened junk shouldn’t count as food

    Tales from a D.C. school kitchen: Hold the fat and please pass the sugar






  • Ask Umbra on toilet paper, dryer balls, and Twitter

    by Umbra Fisk

    Send your question to Umbra!

    Q. Dear Umbra,

    Is it more
    environmentally sound to throw tissue paper in the toilet or in the trash? 

    I’m
    disturbed by how much toilet paper is used by one family alone and wonder just
    what it takes to remove all that paper from the sewage system and from the
    waste stream. I would really appreciate
    your advice about the best way to dispose of tissue paper.

    L.S.
    Mill Valley,
    Calif.

    A. Dearest L.S.,

    Oh, bathroom quandaries—they perplex my readers and force me to employ
    no end of euphemisms.  

    I’m going to assume from your letter that you’re on a sewer line rather
    than a septic tank. And L.S., I have good news: it is no one’s job to pick out
    your toilet paper from the sewage system. Here’s a quick rundown of what
    happens once you flush: At treatment plants, bacteria processes the, um,
    organic matter and breaks down the toilet paper fiber. This process does
    release CO2; however, if you were to toss your toilet paper in the trash, the
    landfill decomposition process would produce methane—a far more
    harmful greenhouse gas than CO2.

    However, in order to break
    down any solids that settle out of the waste water, many sewage treatment
    plants use a process that also produces methane. But (and we have so many buts here, don’t we) according to a
    story in The Economist
    , this methane can be harnessed for heating and generating
    electricity, and groups like British utility company GENeco are testing ways to
    make the whole process more efficient. So environmentally speaking, it’s not a
    super-easy call, but I say flush.

    And sanitarily speaking, if I may, flushing is definitely the way to
    go. Just make sure you have a low-flow
    toilet
    —and don’t discount the “let it
    mellow”
    rule.

    L.S., if toilet paper consumption is your real beef—Americans use an
    average of 57 sheets of toilet paper per day, about 50 pounds per year—might
    I suggest you use less, fold rather than scrunch to increase usable surface
    area, or change your product. Switch from the cloud-like comfort of conventional
    TP to recycled toilet paper, and
    you’ll be saving trees with every pee.

    Softly,
    Umbra

    Q. Dear Umbra,

    I want to
    avoid harsh chemicals, so I don’t use dryer sheets. I bought those plastic spiky dryer balls to
    use in the dryer but wonder if I am substituting dryer sheet chemicals for
    plastic chemicals on my clothes. P.S. I
    know I should hang my clothes outside, but my neighborhood bans clotheslines.

    Thanks!

    Alice S.
    Prescott, Ariz.

    A. Dearest Alice,

    Props to you for breaking the dryer sheet cycle. But I’m
    afraid your balls probably aren’t the best alternative. Most dryer balls are
    made from PVC, which is damaging to
    the environment and your health
    . Remember: “No PVC for me.” And beware of
    companies touting products made of “safe plastic” without telling you what
    these plastics are (check out my previous column on plastics to avoid for
    the real skinny).

    In the name of less consumption, ask yourself: Do I really need a dryer
    sheet replacement? What exactly do you want from these balls? Fluffing, softening,
    reducing static? Natural-fiber clothing typically doesn’t create much static
    electricity in the dryer, and you can soften clothes with natural alternatives:
     While you’re washing, try adding a
    half-cup of baking soda during the rinse cycle or white vinegar during the wash
    cycle.

    If you still want to give the balls a go in the name of fluffing and potentially
    reducing drying time, opt for wool dryer
    balls
    or, if you’re feeling crafty, try making your
    own
    .

    Finally, you beat me to the punch on suggesting a clothesline, but
    might I recommend an indoor drying rack—or a combo: Toss your clothes in the
    dryer until they’re mostly dry, and then hang them on the rack, simultaneously
    reducing static cling and your energy usage.

    Freshly,
    Umbra

    Q. Dear Umbra,

    Tried to
    find you on Twitter; couldn’t find you?

    Lisa

    A. Dearest Lisa,

    How I loathe being unable to find something. Just the other day I was
    looking everywhere for my glasses, until I suddenly realized they were right
    here on my face. And much like my glasses were exactly where one would expect
    them to be, my Twitter account is much where you would expect it to be—in
    the Twittersphere. You can follow me @AskUmbra.

    Chirpily,
    Umbra

    Related Links:

    Turning down the heat caused by meat with Peter Singer

    Ask Umbra on perfume bottles, wax paper, and alternative beverage bottles

    Ask Umbra on water bottles, gas dryers, and tea lights






  • Study shows transmission costs for big wind are low!

    by Gar Lipow

    Grist recently discussed the new National Renewable Energy Laboratory (NREL) large wind study [pdf]. This study explores scenarios for supplying 20 percent to 30 percent of total electric energy consumption used by the eastern grid through wind power. (The eastern grid serves about 70 percent of the U.S. population.) Although it was not the main focus of the study, the NREL showed that in large-scale renewable scenarios the cost of transmission is much less than when only a small amount of renewable energy is used. For example, one often sees figure of $1,200 per KW for transmission costs for new wind. But if we look at transmission costs on page 39 of the NREL report, and MW generation cost on page 26 of the study, the results pencil out to around $160 to $200 in transmission and distribution costs per KW of capacity.

    Although this is supported by really rigorous technical analysis in the study, some simple common sense combined with some knowledge of how the renewable industry works may help explain this.

    Quite often short AC transmission lines are proposed to rescue stranded wind, essentially to bring power from a single wind farm to the grid. In many other cases transmission is suggested to support a handful of renewable generation facilities. In those circumstances, that line will be used at an extremely small percentage of capacity, even compared to normal transmission capacity use. (For very good reasons transmission lines are almost never used at anything close to capacity. Peak transmission is supposed to be for rare peak cases. I think something like 30 percent average capacity usage is not uncommon in long distance transmission.)  Now a transmission system connected to a lot of renewabled in many different places will end up with a somewhat lower capacity utilization than one that is used for fossil fuel, hydro, and nuclear energy. But given diverse renewable sources the difference will not be nearly as great as with a renewable monoculture, or even a renewable scenario with limited diversity.

    Look at it this way. A new current generation single large wind generator will operate at about 35 percent on average of nameplate capacity. But, that single generator will occasionally reach full nameplate capacity, or at least come very close. In a wind farm with hundreds of turbines this may never happen. When diverse wind farms in different wind areas are connected together, total generation will never come close to matching combined nameplate capacity. Generation will peak at between 60 percent and 75 percent of nameplate capacity. At this point the real cost per peak MW is higher than the nominal cost per MW. But since kWh generated is the same, real capacity utilization is also higher than nominal capacity utilization. So the cost per kWh does not change, but the quality of the power produced is higher. Higher quality power can make better use of transmission capacity.

    Power quality improves even more when solar is placed into the mix.

    This has implications for high renewable scenarios, 80 percent to 99 percent renewable. Scaling up transmission for such scenarios won’t increase transmission costs per peak MW, and might reduce them. Even if multiplying renewable generation by 3.3X  increases additional transmission by that amount compared to a 30 percent scenario, it won’t increase line miles by 3.3X. Much of whatever additional capacity is needed will be provided by shipping more power along the same route required in the 30 percent scenario. And increasing the capacity of a line is a lot less expensive than increasing the mileage. For one thing there is no additional land required, and even the line itself does not triple in cost when it triples in capacity.

    Additionally, tripling generation won’t quite triple transmission requirements. Much additional generation is a substitute for more expensive storage. But if we ever make really massive use of renewables we will need significant storage. Storage will increase energy quality, and thus reduce at least slightly the need for additional transmission.

    Related Links:

    Supreme Court ruling increases importance of local energy

    Did China block Copenhagen progress to pave way for its own dominance in cleantech?

    A gust of energy






  • Will Google’s fight with China stymie climate negotiations?

    by Lisa Hymas

    If any progress is to be made in the global fight against
    climate change—whether via diplomatic negotiations or cleantech
    partnerships
    —it will only happen through cooperation between the U.S.
    and China.  But the potential for
    collaboration of any kind took a big blow this past week thanks to the Google
    fracas.  Reports The
    New York Times
    :

    Beijing and Washington both initially tried to treat the Google case as mainly a commercial dispute. But Mrs. Clinton’s speech on Internet freedom on Thursday, with its cold war undertones, has catapulted the dispute from the realm of technology and cybersecurity to one of fundamental freedoms. China’s strongly worded response suggests that the tensions could spill over into other areas where the administration is eager for Chinese cooperation, including climate change and curtailing Iran’s nuclear program.

    The Obama team is trying to tamp down the gloomy analysis, reports
    The Wall Street Journal
    :

    On Friday, the Obama administration reacted to China’s accusation the U.S. was endangering bilateral relations with restraint. Michael Hammer, a spokesman for the National Security Council, said he believed the countries’ ties would “continue to grow and strengthen” despite differences on several fronts.

    But that’s transparently wishful thinking. 

    Add the Google mess to the list of other barriers to climate
    progress that emerged this past week, from Scott
    Brown’s election
    to Lisa
    Murkowski’s resolution
    to the IPCC’s
    admission that it screwed up climate data
    to the Supreme
    Court’s evisceration of campaign finance limits
    .

    Related Links:

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  • Tales from a D.C. school kitchen: How food service turns a green school into an enviro hog

    by Ed Bruske

    Ed Bruske spent a week in the kitchen at H.D. Cooke Elementary School in the District of Columbia observing how food is prepared. This is the fifth in a six-part series of posts about what he saw. Check out parts 1, 2, 3, and 4. Cross-posted from The Slow Cook.

    Photo: Flickr via bookgrlOne unfortunate aspect of the sewer system design here in the District of Columbia is that in large swaths of the city it connects with the same pipes that carry storm runoff. Thus, when we get a heavy rain in the nation’s capitol, raw sewage flows underground past the capital dome and right into the Anacostia River.

    Needless to say, the Anacostia, which flows into the Potomac not far from the Jefferson Memorial, does not see a lot of bathers.

    When architects began planning renovations to the 100-year-old H.D. Cooke Elementary School building a few years ago, one of the things they focused on was a way to prevent rain water from flooding the sewer line. Huge holes were dug on the school grounds and into them were placed holding tanks the size of tractor trailers. The purpose of the tanks is to hold the water so that it doesn’t flood the storm drain system and cause a discharge of raw sewage. The water is released slowly. The tanks are also equipped with filters to remove oil and grease and other pollutants that wash off paved areas.

    The rain water capture system was just one of many “green” features in the $35 million school rehab. Prior to the renovations, windows were so decrepit they were falling into the classrooms. The school got all new insulated windows that also filter ultra-violet rays. Special care was taken during demolition to recycle old drywall and other building materials. To save water in the new school, the boys bathrooms were fitted with waterless urinals; new toilets have a water-saving liquid or solid flush option. To economize on electricity, lights were equipped with motion sensors, windows were designed to make maximum use of daylight. To hold down heating and cooling costs, and to maintain healthy, comfortable air quality inside the building, special monitors and fans and ventilation systems were built.

    When our daughter enrolled at the school this past fall, we simply marveled at the facilities: the brand new gymnasium and cafeteria, the gem of a library, the computer rooms lined with sleek new monitors and keyboards, classrooms filled with new furniture. It was a far cry from the ancient schoolhouse a few blocks away where our daughter had been attending charter school. Little did we suspect that behind all the improvements, the food service operation at H.D. Cooke would be turning this “green” school into an enviro hog.

    Also included in the renovations was a new school kitchen. Walk-in freezer and refrigerator, convection ovens, steamers, holding cabinet, stainless pot sinks and work benches—it’s all there. But if you’re a chef with a crazy fascination with commercial kitchen equipment like me, you also notice right off that there is no dishwasher in the H.D. Cooke kitchen. And that’s because there are no dishes to wash: other than the tables the kids eat off, everything about the cafeteria operation is disposable.

    One wag has said that the most important tool in school kitchens these days is a box cutter. During the week I was there as an observer, there were days when the boxes that frozen and canned foods arrived in grew into a pile near the door to the loading dock. Pizza, chicken nuggets, hamburger patties, tater tots—from factories around the country, it all comes sealed in plastic bags inside cardboard boxes. The empty boxes made it easy for me to read and copy ingredient labels into my little reporter’s notepad. But what happens to all those boxes after that?

    According to D.C. Councilmember Mary Cheh (D-Ward 3), author of  “Healthy Schools” legislation now pending before the Council, about two-thirds of D.C. Public Schools and most charter schools do not recycle. Even at DCPS schools that do recycle, waste from food service is neither recycled nor composted.

    Practices in the cafeteria reflect the drive for convenience and lower labor costs. Just as food preparation is engineered to be quick and easy, using lots of pre-cooked frozen meal items, food service has been designed to require the least amount of human intervention. Disposable plastic rules. Kids bus the tables themselves. The only thing that comes back to the kitchen is the uneaten food from the steam table, and that is simply flushed down a commercial-size garbage disposal.

    When students enter the food line, or “Kid’s Stop Cafe,” they pick up a non-recyclable Styrofoam tray that doubles as a plate. At breakfast they choose from Pop Tarts and Goldfish “Giant Grahams” wrapped in foil. Individual servings of cereal come in plastic tubs with plastic seals. Fruit juice is distributed in 4-ounce plastic containers with foil seals. Eating utensils are displayed in individual plastic packaging: a plastic spoon that’s also a fork—known affectionately as a “spork”—a plastic drinking straw and a paper napkin.

    Drink cups are unnecessary. Besides fruit juice, the only other beverage in the cafeteria is milk. All of the students take milk with breakfast and lunch and drink it directly out of the disposable carton it comes in.

    Students sit at tables in the large dining hall eating off their Styrofoam trays, drinking their milk. As they finish, they’ve been trained to walk their trays over to one of the large trash cans at the other side of the hall and drop it in. Everything from the meal service—foil packaging, plastic tubs and cups, milk cartons, spoons, napkins, Styrofoam trays—soon joins the cardboard boxes and plastic bags and industrial-size cans from the kitchen in a dumpster to be hauled off to a landfill.

    Do the math and the amount of trash becomes scary. H.D. Cooke serves about 150 students for breakfast and another 280 for lunch. That’s 430 Styrofoam trays every day, five days a week, nine months a year. Styrofoam, the brand name for petroleum-based polystyrene, is light as a feather yet practically impervious to the usual forces of decomposition—no one can be sure how many hundreds of years it might take to break down in the environment. And this is just one school. There are some 40,000 kids enrolled in the D.C. Public Schools, and another 20,000 in public charter schools.

    The environmentally unfriendly nature of school food service poses a number of obvious contradictions. Signs around the school, hand-drawn by students, extol the importance of being kind to the planet. My daughter, who attends fourth grade at H.D. Cooke, is a member of the school’s “green team.” Every week, she says, the “green team” members patrol the school, handing out $1 citations to people who leave their lights on or forget to turn off the computers. But in the lunch room, she and all the other kids are filling trash cans twice a day with mounds of non-recycled refuse.

    Under the “Healthy Schools” bill, all DCPS schools, including food service, would be required to recycle paper, bottles, cans, and cardboard, but only “when funds become available.” Schools would also be required to compost food waste, and the bill calls for a pilot composting program that would involve schools as well as the city’s departments of public works and the environment. But again, provisions would only apply “once funds were appropriated.”

    As for the Styrofoam and all the plastic entailed in school meals, “Healthy Schools” would require that schools switch to “sustainable products” within four years. At what cost remains to be seen.

    Tomorrow: Conclusions

    Related Links:

    Washington Times puts screws to city’s food provider, Chartwells

    Tales from a D.C. school kitchen: Better school food—can we get there from here?

    Why you should go see ‘Fantastic Mr. Fox’






  • Did China block Copenhagen progress to pave way for its own dominance in cleantech?

    by Geoffrey Lean

    You hear it all the time, one of the most frequently voiced excuses for Western countries failing to radically cut carbon dioxide emissions: Taking any such action would hand a massive competitive advantage to fast-industrializing China.

    Yet evidence is piling up that the very opposite is the case. The main challenge from the world’s new industrial superpower is not that it will continue to use the dirty, old technologies of the past, but that it will come to dominate the new, clean, green ones of the future.

    As developed nations fail to put an adequate price on carbon, and thus to stimulate clean-technology development themselves, they risk handing market supremacy to the rival they most fear. Indeed, it could even be hypothesized that China’s blocking of agreement on rich-country emission targets in Copenhagen was intended to hold back the development of cleantech by its Western rivals.

    Visitor after distinguished visitor to the world’s most populous country returns home shaken, if not stirred, by the speed and determination with which it is adopting these technologies, especially in renewable energy. David Sandalow, the U.S. assistant secretary of energy for policy and international affairs—a longtime expert in the field, both in and out of government, who has trekked across the Pacific five times since last summer—says, “China’s investment in clean energy is extraordinary. Unless the U.S. makes investments, we are not competitive in the cleantech sector in the years and decades to come.”

    New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman wrote from China earlier this month that he was increasingly convinced that the most important development of recent years would prove to be “not the Great Recession, but China’s Green Leap Forward.” He, too, warned that unless the United States rapidly caught up, “we are going to gradually cede this industry to Beijing and the good jobs and energy security that would go with it.”

    Certainly China’s commitment and growth in this area are breathtaking. It already boasts a thousand solar water heater manufacturers providing some 600,000 jobs. One in every 10 homes in the giant country has them installed, making up two-thirds of the entire world’s solar hot water capacity; by 2030, some estimates suggest, half of all the country’s households could have them.

    Solar electricity is not far behind. In 2005, China produced a relatively tiny 100 megawatts of solar cells. Two years later, it was leading the world with 1,088 MW. This year, it is predicted to exceed 5,000 MW, a third of the world’s total—and it’s expected to go on expanding to reach 10,000 MW in just five years time. Solar thermal power is also on the rise: 2,000 MW of solar thermal power stations are expected to come online over the next decade, with a dramatic increase in the years after that.

    At the same time, installed wind-power capacity has been doubling annually: China is expected to meet its original 30,000 MW target for 2020 in two years time, and last year it vastly increased the target to an ambitious 100,000 MW.

    Indeed, the wind-power expansion reveals something of China’s ruthless determination to lead the world in these new low-carbon industries.  In 2003, just before the headlong growth of the industry began, the country heavily restricted imports, requiring its wind farms to source 70 percent of its parts from the domestic market. The restriction was only lifted last year, by which time home production dominated the business.

    And an even more ominous development seems to be gathering pace. China is responsible for 97 percent of the world’s production of rare earth elements or metals, vital for many cleantech products from wind turbines to hybrid-car batteries, fiber optics to low-energy light bulbs. But over the last seven years, it has reduced the quantity of them available for export by 40 percent, and before long may be using all of its production to feed domestic demand.

    Other countries—including the United States, South Africa, and Greenland—have significant deposits of rare earth metals, but are years away from properly exploiting them. By increasingly restricting supplies, China could strangle overseas clean industries while boosting its own.

    The U.S. administration, at least, is alive to the danger of China dominating the cleantech market. Last April, President Obama warned, “The nation that leads the world in 21st-century clean energy will be the nation that leads in the 21st-century global economy.” The tens of billions of dollars in his stimulus package devoted to renewables is an attempt to gain that lead for the United States.

    In fact, there may be an even more productive course: partnership with China. Whereas China can make things much more cheaply than the United States—and open factories much faster—it is, as yet, still far behind the U.S. in innovation and venture capital. There is an opportunity to come together to benefit both countries—and the world.

    But seizing that opportunity would require the U.S., as well as other Western countries, to take serious action to raise the price of carbon and spark a wave of new technological innovation, rather than ceding the field to China while falsely professing to be protecting their economies from it.

    Related Links:

    U.S. slips in Environmental Performance Index

    Supreme Court ruling increases importance of local energy

    [UPDATED] While the big cats cower, time to build robust food economies