Author: Grist – the Latest from Grist

  • Obama’s finally connecting the Gulf spill and clean energy. Champagne time?

    by Jonathan Hiskes.

    My request for President
    Obama is simple, really: Dust off the secret presidential SCUBA suit, invite
    the Senate’s biggest oil-industry shills on a “fact-finding mission” to the
    Gulf (promise shrimp cocktails if necessary), and use them to plug up BP’s
    hole.

    Failing that, Obama
    could start talking about the connection between the oil gusher, climate change,
    our crippling national dependency on fossil fuels, and the need for a wholesale
    shift to clean energy.

    Fortunately, after a
    tepid defense of offshore drilling and a maddening
    silence
    about the big energy picture, he’s
    finally starting to do just that, talking about renewable energy and the Gulf
    fiasco in the same speeches.

    From
    a San Francisco fundraiser
    yesterday:

    The reason that folks are now having to go down a mile deep
    into the ocean, and then another mile drilling into the ground below, that is
    because the easy oil fields and oil wells are gone, or they’re starting to
    diminish.

    That tells us that we’ve got to have a long-term energy
    strategy in this country. And we’ve got to start cultivating solar and wind and
    biodiesel. And we’ve got to increase energy efficiency across our economy in
    our buildings and our automobiles.

    Today at
    the Solyndra solar panel plant in Fremont, Calif
    :

    Climate change poses a threat to our way of life—in
    fact, we’re already beginning to see its profound and costly impact.  And the spill in the Gulf, which is just
    heartbreaking, only underscores the necessity of seeking alternative fuel
    sources … 

    Fifteen years ago, the United States produced 40 percent of
    the world’s solar panels—40 percent.  That was just 15 years ago. 
    By 2008, our share had fallen to just over 5 percent.  I don’t know about
    you, but I’m not prepared to cede American leadership in this industry, because
    I’m not prepared to cede America’s leadership in the global economy. 

    So that’s why we’ve placed a big emphasis on clean energy …
    But we’ve still got more work to do, and that’s why I’m going to keep fighting
    to pass comprehensive energy and climate legislation in Washington. We’re
    going to try to get it done this year, because what we want to do is create
    incentives that will fully unleash the potential for jobs and growth in this
    sector.

    “We’re going to try to
    get it done this year” doesn’t presage a full-court press.  But it’s a step in the right direction. 

    Next up, Obama
    is set
    to announce
    new offshore drilling regulations on Thursday—another
    opportunity to talk fundamentals. On Friday, he’ll
    travel to the Gulf
    to prove his commitment to stopping the bleeding gash in
    the Gulf. It’s his best opportunity yet to influence how the country talks
    about the state of its energy system.

    Lots of smart thinkers
    on the left have been arguing that it’s naïve and ineffectual to demand that
    Obama somehow “do more” to get the country on a progressive track; he can’t change
    the country—and certainly can’t change the minds of intransigent senators—on his own.

    But the BP spill might
    be big enough to alter the dynamics. Americans can now see with their own eyes
    what’s so wrong with our energy system.  A
    new CBS
    poll
    found a marked drop in public support for domestic offshore drilling-down
    17 percent since two summers ago-meaning that more Americans now oppose offshore
    exploration than support it. There’s an opening for fundamental change. 

    “Honestly, I have not
    reacted to anything with this much impotent despair since 9/11,” writes an
    Andrew Sullivan reader. “Not even Abu Ghraib and our collective, in effect,
    non-reaction to it made me feel more negative about the likely course of our
    society in the remaining decades of my lifetime.”

    Oof-that sounds like a
    citizen ready for a bold plan. Obama, by directing the media’s and the public’s
    attention to the need for a massive energy shift, can give the issue more of a
    boost than it’s gotten in decades.  He
    can make the point that climate and clean-energy legislation is desperately
    needed, now.  If Americans follow his
    lead, they could—yes, I’m being hopeful here—put enough pressure on other
    elected officials (senators) to get moving on an energy bill and other critical
    policy changes. I get all tingly thinking about it.

     

    Related Links:

    The federal government needs to take command of the disaster response

    How would you stop the Gulf oil leak?

    Will Obama admin allow Shell Oil to do to Arctic waters what BP did to the Gulf?






  • The federal government needs to take command of the disaster response

    by Brad Johnson.

    This post is co-authored by Tom
    Kenworthy
    .

    There are obvious limits to how much control the federal government
    can exert over the frantic and so far hapless effort to stem the
    catastrophic oil eruption that threatens the entire Gulf of Mexico with
    ecological devastation. As Coast Guard Commandant Thad Allen said
    Monday, the government does not have the equipment or technical
    expertise to simply shove aside BP and its industry partners a month
    after the explosion of the Deepwater Horizon rig off the coast of
    Louisiana. “To push BP out of the way, it would raise the question, to
    replace them with what?” Allen said.

    The Obama administration’s embattled and frustrated Interior
    Secretary Ken Salazar, who on Sunday had threatened to do the pushing,
    recognized the sobering reality 24 hours later. “This administration has
    done everything we can possibly do to make sure that we push BP to stop
    the spill and to contain the impact,” Salazar said. “We have also been
    very clear that there are areas where BP and the private sector are the
    ones who must continue to lead the efforts with government oversight,
    such as the deployment of private sector technology 5,000 feet below the
    ocean’s surface to kill the well.”

    But if government has little choice but to keep the perpetrator on
    the job at the immediate crime scene, it does have a choice when it
    comes to operations beyond the urgent task of quelling the erupting
    well. BP will necessarily remain in charge of plugging the hole; but the
    federal and state governments in the gulf must take greater charge of
    containing the onshore ecological impacts.

    This requires a greater mobilization than exists today, and
    Washington needs to send the message that it is in full command of the
    disaster response with the following actions:

    One highly visible leader at the White House should lead the
    command and coordination at the cabinet level between the Department
    of Homeland Security
    , the Department of the Interior, the
    Department of Commerce, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric
    Administration, the Department of Energy, the EPA, the Department of
    Justice, the White House Office of Energy and Climate Policy, the White
    House Office of Science and Technology, and the Department of Defense.
    Two excellent choices for this role would be Vice President Joe Biden or
    energy advisor Carol Browner. This leader should also work directly
    with the affected states’ governors.

    The Federal Emergency Management Agency should be in charge of
    onshore coastal recovery and disaster response, assisted by the Army
    Corps of Engineers. The National
    Guard
    should be fully deployed under the control of each state’s
    governor, with Army units if necessary. The EPA, NOAA, and U.S. Fish and
    Wildlife Service should exercise relevant oversight. And any environmental
    and disaster response contractors
    working for BP should instead
    work directly for the federal government.

    The federal government should clearly be in charge of
    surface-water recovery and maritime disaster response. The Vessels
    of Opportunity
    and other maritime contractors now working for BP
    should be under contract with the federal government, including research
    vessels. The Coast Guard with the EPA, NOAA, and U.S. Fish and Wildlife
    Service oversight should manage dispersant
    use
    for cleanup.

    The Environmental Protection Agency should immediately bar
    BP from new federal contracts
    -including drilling in federally
    controlled oil fields-because of its repeated environmental crimes.

    The State Department should continue to reach out to other
    nations that have experience with disastrous oil spills to see if
    assistance and ideas are available. This should be a
    government-to-government effort, not one undertaken by private
    companies.

    Claims for damages and lost revenues should be put under the
    authority of the U.S. Coast Guard
    National Pollution Funds Center
    . The scope of this disaster far
    exceeds the NPFC’s traditional resources, and other federal, state, and
    local claims processing resources must therefore be brought to bear,
    particularly from the Coast Guard’s sister agency FEMA.

    The EPA, the Justice Department, the Internal Revenue Service,
    and other law enforcement branches of the federal, state, and local
    government should exercise subpoena authority to seize
    or monitor relevant communications and data collection
    , and assets
    if necessary.

    The EPA and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
    should begin a health-monitoring program for the most at risk
    populations so there is a baseline from which to measure health
    complications from the spill and cleanup.

    Federal agencies, not BP, should handle spill response hotlines
    for volunteers, technology
    ideas
    , affected wildlife, and others. Full call records need to be
    logged with incident reports and technology ideas presented publicly on
    dynamic websites.

    BP is required as the responsible party for this apocalyptic disaster
    to provide full and instant funding for the response by the federal,
    state, and local governments and their contractors. BP personnel and
    equipment being used for disaster response in the Gulf should be put
    under governmental control during the crisis.

    BP’s funding should come in the form of an escrow account that draws
    on BP’s $100
    billion
    in capital reserves, without limit. The federal government
    should require BP to use its first quarter 2010 profits—$5
    billion
    —to establish the escrow account. Congress needs to pass the
    Big Oil Liability Bailout Prevention Act, S. 3305, to lift the
    liability limit to $10 billion.

    The Center for American Progress also supports a full moratorium on
    new leases or new drilling for all companies until the commission issues
    its report and recommendations. The Department of Interior has approved
    at least 17 new
    permits and 19 environmental waivers
    since the Deepwater Horizon rig
    explosion.

    Congress and the administration must meanwhile take further steps to
    end our dependence on big oil. The administration should beef up federal
    research and development efforts into how to prevent oil spills and
    better contain them if they occur. The federal government should
    establish additional protection for continental shelf areas beyond just
    the three miles states can control. Congress should cut tax loopholes
    and other handouts to big oil companies, which would save $45 billion
    over 10 years—money that can be spent on investing in a clean energy
    economy instead. And clean energy legislation that caps the oil and coal
    pollution that is heating the atmosphere and acidifying the oceans is
    long overdue.

    Related Links:

    Obama’s finally connecting the Gulf spill and clean energy. Champagne time?

    How would you stop the Gulf oil leak?

    Will Obama admin allow Shell Oil to do to Arctic waters what BP did to the Gulf?






  • How would you stop the Gulf oil leak?

    by Grist.

    They’ve tried underwater robots, a containment dome, a riser
    tube
    (which has been siphoning up at least a bit of the gushing flow), and relief
    wells
    (still being drilling, a process that will take months).  They’re
    now attempting a top kill.  They might
    still try a junk shot and top hat, and—what the hell—even nukes.

    But, at least so far, total fail.

    So what would you, dear readers, propose?  Share your best—or at least most entertaining—ideas in the comment section below.

    Related Links:

    Obama’s finally connecting the Gulf spill and clean energy. Champagne time?

    The federal government needs to take command of the disaster response

    Will Obama admin allow Shell Oil to do to Arctic waters what BP did to the Gulf?






  • Will Obama admin allow Shell Oil to do to Arctic waters what BP did to the Gulf?

    by Subhankar Banerjee.

    This essay was originally published on TomDispatch and is
    republished here with Tom’s kind permission.

    ——-

    Bear with me. I’ll get to the oil. But first you have
    to understand where I’ve been and where you undoubtedly won’t go, but
    Shell’s drilling rigs surely will—unless someone stops them.

    Over the last decade, I’ve come to know Arctic Alaska about as
    intimately as a photographer can. I’ve been there many times, starting
    with the 14 months I spent back in 2001-2002 crisscrossing the Arctic
    National Wildlife Refuge—4,000 miles in all seasons by foot, raft,
    kayak, and snowmobile, regularly accompanied by Inupiat hunter and
    conservationist Robert Thompson from Kaktovik, a community of about 300
    on the Arctic coast, or with Gwich’in hunters and conservationists
    Charlie Swaney and Jimmy John from Arctic Village, a community of about
    150 residents on the south side of the Brooks Range Mountains.

    In the winter of 2002, Robert and I camped for 29 days at the Canning
    River delta along the Beaufort Sea coast to observe a polar bear den.
    It’s hard even to describe the world we encountered. Only four calm
    days out of that near-month. The rest of the time a blizzard blew
    steadily, its winds reaching a top speed of 65 miles per hour, while the
    temperature hovered in the minus-40-degree range, bringing the
    wind-chill factor down to something you’ll never hear on your local
    weather report: around minus 110 degrees.

    If that’s too cold for you, believe me, it was way too cold for
    someone who grew up in Kolkata, India, even if we did observe the bear
    and her two cubs playing outside the den.

    During the summer months, you probably can’t imagine the difficulty I
    had sleeping on the Alaskan Arctic tundra. The sun is up 24 hours a
    day and a cacophony of calls from more than 180 species of birds
    converging there to nest and rear their young never ceases, day or
    “night.” Those birds come from all 49 other American states and six
    continents. And what they conduct in those brief months is a planetary
    celebration on an unimaginably epic scale, one that connects the Arctic
    National Wildlife Refuge to just about every other place on Earth.

    When you hear the clicking sound
    of the hooves of the tens of thousands of caribou that also congregate
    on this great Arctic coastal plain to give birth to their young—some
    not far from where my tent was set up—you know that you are in a
    place that is a global resource and does not deserve to be despoiled.

    Millions of Americans have come to know the Arctic National Wildlife
    Refuge, even if at a distance, thanks to the massive media attention it
    got when the Bush administration indicated that one of its top energy
    priorities was to open it up to oil and gas development. Thanks to the
    efforts of environmental organizations, the Gwich’in Steering
    Committee
    , and activists from around the country, George W. Bush
    fortunately failed in his attempt to turn the refuge into an industrial
    wasteland.

    While significant numbers of Americans have indeed come to care for
    the Arctic Refuge, they know very little about the Alaskan Arctic Ocean
    regions—the Chukchi Sea and the Beaufort Sea (which the refuge
    abuts).

    I came to know these near-shore coastal areas better years later and
    discovered what the local Inupiats had known for millennia: these two
    Arctic seas are verdant ecological habitats for remarkable numbers of
    marine species, including endangered Bowhead whales and threatened polar
    bears, Beluga whales, walruses, various kinds of seals, and numerous
    species of fish and birds, not to mention the vast range of
    “non-charismatic” marine creatures we can’t see right down to the krill —tiny shrimp-like marine invertebrates—that provide the food that
    makes much of this life possible.

    The Kasegaluk lagoon, which I spent much time documenting as a
    photographer, along the Chukchi Sea is one of the most important coastal
    treasures of the entire circumpolar north. It is 125 miles long and
    only separated from the sea by a thin stretch of barrier islands. Five
    icy rivers drain into the lagoon, creating a nutrient-rich habitat for a
    host of species. An estimated 4,000 Beluga whales are known to calve
    along its southern edge, and more than 2,000 spotted seals use the
    barrier islands as haul-out places in late summer, while 40,000 Black
    Brant goose use its northern reaches as feeding grounds in fall.

    In July 2006, during a late evening walk, wildlife biologist Robert
    Suydam and I even spotted a couple of yellow wagtails—not imposing
    whales, but tiny songbirds. Still, the sight moved me. “Did you know,”
    I told my companion, “that some of them migrate to the Arctic from my
    home, India?”

    Can oil be cleaned up under Arctic ice?

    Unfortunately, as you’ve already guessed, I’m not here just to tell
    you about the glories—and extremity—of the Alaskan Arctic, which
    happens to be the most biologically diverse quadrant of the entire
    circumpolar north. I’m writing this piece because of the oil, because
    under all that life and beauty in the melting Arctic there’s something
    our industrial civilization wants, something oil companies have had
    their eyes on for a long time now.

    If you’ve been following the increasing ecological
    devastation
    unfolding before our collective eyes in the Gulf of
    Mexico since BP’s rented Deepwater Horizon exploratory drilling rig went
    up in flames (and then under the waves), then you should know about—
    and protest—Shell Oil’s plan to begin exploratory oil drilling in the
    Beaufort and Chukchi Seas this summer.

    On March 31, standing in front of an F-18 “Green Hornet” fighter
    jet and a large American flag at Andrews Air Force Base, President Obama
    announced a new energy proposal, which would open up vast expanses of America’s
    coastlines, including the Beaufort and Chukchi Seas, to oil and gas
    development. Then, on May 13, the United States Ninth Circuit Court of
    Appeals handed a victory to
    Shell Oil. It rejected the claims of a group of environmental
    organizations and Native Inupiat communities that had sued Shell and the
    Interior Department’s Minerals Management Service (MMS) to stop
    exploratory oil drilling in the Arctic seas.

    Fortunately, Shell still needs air quality permits from the
    Environmental Protection Agency as well as final authorization from
    Interior Secretary Ken Salazar before the company can send its 514-foot
    drilling ship, Frontier Discoverer, north this summer to drill
    three exploratory wells in the Chukchi Sea and two in the Beaufort Sea.
    Given what should by now be obvious to all about the dangers of such
    deep-water drilling, even in far less extreme climates, let’s hope they
    don’t get either the permits or the authorization.

    On May 14, I called Robert Thompson, the current board chair of
    Resisting Environmental Destruction on Indigenous Lands (REDOIL).
    “I’m very stressed right now,” he told me. “We’ve been watching the
    development of BP’s oil spill in the Gulf on television. We’re praying
    for the animals and people there. We don’t want Shell to be drilling in
    our Arctic waters this summer.”

    As it happened, I was there when, in August 2006, Shell’s first small
    ship arrived in the Beaufort Sea. Robert’s wife Jane caught it in her
    binoculars from her living-room window and I photographed it as it was
    scoping out the sea bottom in a near-shore area just outside Kaktovik.
    Its job was to prepare the way for a larger seismic ship due later that
    month.

    Since then, Robert has been asking one simple question: If there were
    a Gulf-like disaster, could spilled oil in the Arctic Ocean actually be
    cleaned up?

    He’s asked it in numerous venues—at Shell’s Annual General Meeting
    in The Hague in 2008, for instance, and at the Arctic Frontiers
    Conference in Tromsø, Norway, that same year. At Tromsø, Larry Persily —then associate director of the Washington office of Alaska Governor
    Sarah Palin, and since December 2009, the federal natural gas pipeline
    coordinator in the Obama administration—gave a 20-minute talk on the
    role oil revenue plays in Alaska’s economy.

    During the question-and-answer period afterwards, Robert typically asked:
    “Can oil be cleaned up in the Arctic Ocean? And if you can’t answer
    yes, or if it can’t be cleaned up, why are you involved in leasing this
    land? And I’d also like to know if there are any studies on oil toxicity
    in the Arctic Ocean, and how long will it take for oil there to break
    down to where it’s not harmful to our marine environment?”

    Persily responded: “I think everyone agrees that there is no good way
    to clean up oil from a spill in broken sea ice. I have not read anyone
    disagreeing with that statement, so you’re correct on that. As far as
    why the federal government and the state government want to lease
    offshore, I’m not prepared to answer that. They’re not my leases, to be
    real honest with everyone.”

    A month after that conference, Shell paid an unprecedented $2.1
    billion
    to the MMS for oil leases in the Chukchi Sea. In October and December 2009, MMS approved Shell’s plan to drill five exploratory wells. In the
    permit it issued, the MMS concluded that a large spill was “too remote
    and speculative an occurrence” to warrant analysis, even though the
    agency acknowledged that such a spill could have devastating
    consequences in the Arctic Ocean’s icy waters and could be difficult to
    clean up.

    It would be an irony of sorts if the only thing that stood between
    the Obama administration and an Arctic disaster-in-the-making was BP’s
    present catastrophe in the Gulf of Mexico.

    The first oil rush in Arctic waters

    This isn’t the first time that America’s Arctic seas have been
    exploited for oil. If you want to know more, check out John Bockstoce’s
    book, Whales, Ice, and Men: The History of Whaling in the Western
    Arctic
    . Throughout the latter part of the nineteenth century,
    commercial whalers regularly ventured into those seas to kill Bowhead
    whales for whale oil, used as illuminant in lamps and as candle wax. It
    was also the finest lubricating oil then available for watches, clocks,
    chronometers, and other machinery. Later, after petroleum was
    discovered, whale baleen became a useful material for making women’s
    corsets.

    In 1848, when the first New England whaling ship arrived in Alaska,
    an estimated 30,000 Bowhead whales lived in those Arctic seas. Just two
    years later, there were 200 American whaling vessels plying those waters
    and they had already harvested 1,700 Bowheads.

    Within 50 years, an estimated 20,000 Bowhead whales had been
    slaughtered. By 1921, commercial whaling of Bowheads ended as whale oil
    was no longer needed and the worldwide population of Bowheads had, in
    any case, declined to about 3,000—with the very survival of the species in question.

    Afterwards, the Bowhead population began to bounce back. Today, more
    than 10,000 Bowheads and more than 60,000 Beluga whales migrate through
    the Chukchi and Beaufort Seas. The Bowhead is believed to be perhaps
    the longest-lived
    mammal
    . It is now categorized as “endangered” under the Endangered
    Species Act
    of 1973 and receives additional protection under the Marine
    Mammal Protection Act
    of 1972. It would, of course, be unforgivably
    ironic if, having barely outlived the first Arctic oil rush, the
    species were to fall victim to the second.

    Inupiat communities have been hunting Bowheads for more than two
    millennia for subsistence food. In recent decades, the International
    Whaling Commission
    has approved an annual quota of 67 whales for
    nine Inupiat villages in Alaska. This subsistence harvest is deemed
    ecologically sustainable and not detrimental to the recovery of the
    population.

    My first experience of a Bowhead hunt in Kaktovik was in September
    2001. After the whale was brought ashore, everyone—from infants to
    elders—gathered around the creature to offer a prayer to the creator,
    and thank the whale for giving itself up to, and providing needed food
    for, the community. The muktuk (whale skin and blubber) was
    then shared among community members in three formal celebrations over
    the year to come—Thanksgiving, Christmas, and Naluqatuk (a June
    whaling feast), two of which I attended.

    In 2007,  with writer Peter
      Matthiessen
    I visited Point Hope and Point Lay, two Inupiat
    communities of about 1,000 inhabitants on the Chukchi Sea coast. Point
    Hope is considered one of the oldest continuously inhabited settlements
    in North America. At Point Lay, we accompanied Bill and Marie Tracey on a
    17-hour boat ride during a Beluga whale hunt. After the whales were
    beached, four generations gathered in a circle to offer prayer and
    thanks to the whales. In other words, for such Alaskan Inupiat
    communities whales are far more than food on the table. Their cultural
    and spiritual identity is inextricably linked to the whales and the
    sea. If Shell’s vessels head north, the question is: How long will
    these communities survive?

    And it’s not just whales and the communities that live off them that
    are at stake. Oil drilling, even at a distance, has already taken a
    toll in the Arctic. After all, the survival of several Arctic species,
    including polar bears, walruses, seals, and sea birds, is seriously
    threatened by the widespread melting of sea ice, the result of climate
    change (caused, of course, by the use of fossil fuels).

    In 2008, the U.S. Department of Interior listed the polar
    bear
    as a threatened species under the Endangered Species Act. In
    addition, millions of birds use the near-shore Arctic waters, barrier
    islands, coastal lagoons, and river deltas for nesting and rearing their
    young in spring, and for feeding in summer before they start migrating
    to their southern wintering grounds. When the Arctic wind blows in one
    direction, nutrient-rich fresh water from the rivers is pushed out into
    the ocean; when it blows in the other direction, saltwater from the sea
    enters the lagoon. This mixing of fresh and saltwater creates a
    nutrient-rich near-shore ecological habitat for birds, many species of
    fish, and several species of seals.

    All this is my way of saying that if oil drilling begins in the
    Arctic seas and anything goes wrong, the nature of the disaster in the
    calving, nesting, and spawning grounds of so many creatures would be
    hard to grasp.

    Don’t let Shell’s drilling ship head north

    With the crisis in the Gulf of Mexico ongoing, scientists are
    beginning to worry about hurricane season. It officially begins on June
    1 and doesn’t officially end until November 30. Any significant
    storm entering the Gulf would, of course, only exacerbate the disaster,
    moving oil all over the place, while hindering clean-up operations. Now,
    think about the Arctic Ocean, where blizzards and storms aren’t
    seasonal events, but an all-year-round reality and—thanks (many
    scientists believe) to the effects of climate change—their intensity
    is actually on the rise. Even in summer, they can blow in at 80 miles
    per hour, bringing any oil spill on the high seas very quickly into
    ecologically rich coastal areas.

    On May 5, Native Village of Point Hope and REDOIL joined 14
    environmental organizations in sending a letter to Interior Secretary Salazar. In light of the oil spill in the Gulf
    of Mexico, it urges him to reconsider his decision to allow Shell to
    proceed with its drilling plan. That same week, Secretary Salazar did
    finally order a halt to all new offshore drilling projects and asked
    Shell to explain how it could improve its ability to prevent a spill—
    and, if one happens, to respond to it effectively in the Arctic.

    On May 18, Shell responded publicly that it would employ a pre-made dome to contain any leaking
    well and deploy chemical dispersants underwater at the source of any oil
    leak. From what I gather, both methods have been attempted by BP in the
    Gulf of Mexico. The dome has so far failed,
    developing hydrates and becoming unusable before ever being placed over
    the leak. Scientists now believe that those toxic chemical dispersants
    have resulted in significant ecological
    devastation
    to coral reefs and could be dangerous to other sea
    life. None of this bodes well for the Arctic.

    There is, I’m beginning to realize, another crisis we have to face in
    the Gulf, the Arctic, and elsewhere: How do we talk about—and show —what we can’t see? Yes, via video, we can see the gushing oil
    at the source of BP’s well a mile below the surface of the water, and
    thanks to TV and newspapers we can sometimes see (or read about)
    oil-slicked dead birds, dead sea turtles, and dead dolphins washing up
    on coastlines.

    But what about all the other aspects of life under water that we
    can’t see, that won’t simply wash up on some beach, that in terms of our
    daily lives might as well be on Mars? What’s happening to the
    incredible diversity of marine life inhabiting that mile-deep water, and
    what cumulative impact will all that still-spilling oil have on it, on
    the ecology of the Gulf of Mexico, and possibly—in ways we may not
    yet be able to imagine—on our lives?

    These are questions that desperately need to be asked and answered
    before we allow oil ships to head north and drilling to spread to
    America’s Arctic Ocean. Keep in mind that there, unlike in the temperate
    and tropical oceans where things grow relatively fast, everything grows
    very slowly. On the other hand, toxins left behind from oil spills
    will take far longer to break down in the frigid climate. Bad as the
    Gulf may be, a damaged Arctic will take far more time to heal.

    Whatever we can’t see, what we already can see on the front pages of
    our newspapers and in the TV news should be more than enough to convince
    us not to take seriously the safety claims of giant oil companies desperate
    to drill
    under some of the worst conditions imaginable. Send those
    drill rigs into Arctic waters and, sooner or later, you know just what
    you’ll get.

    If the remaining permits are approved for Shell in the coming weeks,
    the Frontier Discoverer will be in the Chukchi Sea less than
    six weeks later.

    President Obama and Secretary Salazar should stop this folly now. It’s important for them to listen to those who really know what’s at
    stake, the environmental groups and human rights organizations of the
    indigenous Inupiat communities. It’s time to put a stop to Shell’s
    drilling plan in America’s Arctic Ocean for this summer—and all the
    summers to come.

    Related Links:

    Obama’s finally connecting the Gulf spill and clean energy. Champagne time?

    The federal government needs to take command of the disaster response

    How would you stop the Gulf oil leak?






  • Endocrine disruptors really do suck

    by Tom Laskawy.

    U.S. manufacturers and agribusiness are addicted to endocrine disruptors—dangerous chemicals that alter the natural function of the body’s hormones. They are frequently used in plastics, in pesticides, and in personal care products and act in the human body as a “false” version of estrogen. They appear to be linked to a variety of diseases, including sexual dysfunction, heart disease, metabolic disorders, and cancer. New York Times columnist Nick Kristof wrote a frightening summary of the health and evironmental risks of this class of chemicals about a year ago that’s still timely.

    Although the controversial plastic ingredient bisphenol-A, used in canned foods and baby bottles, is certainly the poster child for endocrine disruptors’ ubiquity, it is merely one of many. The pesticide atrazine, banned in the European Union but still widely overused in the U.S., is also a potent endocrine disruptor, as is the chemical oxybenzone, one of the most common ingredients in U.S.-sold sunscreen, though it too is banned in the E.U.

    These, of course, are only the high-profile examples. For each one, industry threatens the End of Civilization in the event that the FDA attempts to restrict one or another. Atrazine, for example, is currently under review by the EPA. Despite the fact that European farmers seem to have maintained yields wthout the chemical, American agribusiness still manages to say with a straight face that banning atrazine will cause U.S. corn yields to drop precipitiously. Meanwhile, we learn that atrazine, one of the most common waterway contaminants in the entire country, can disrupt the hormone function (and reproduction) of fish at levels well below legal pollution limits.

    The resistance of the industry and our own elected representatives to acting on our behalf is scary enough. But far more terrifying is the research that continues to pour in showing the dangers of endocrine-disrupting chemicals. Now a group of longtime environmental researchers from Tufts University have done their own review of past research into BPA and other endocrine disruptors (abstract available here).

    Their conclusions:

    1) BPA and chemicals like it do indeed pose an increased cancer risk—that’s in addition to the reproductive and metabolic risks they represent. And these chemicals represent a real and potent threat to the health of pregnant women and their fetuses.

    2) The complexity of these chemicals and their interactions is so great that we don’t even have the tools to determine what they’re really doing to us. We truly are lab rats in a worldwide experiment.

    The researchers conclude that there is more than enough evidence to support “rapid action to diminish these harmful environmental exposures.”

    In other words: FDA and EPA, get off your arses and ban this stuff now.

    Related Links:

    ‘Dumpsites in Disguise’

    Let’s Move needs to get real with the food industry

    Big energy vs. coal ash regulation






  • Will BP take responsibility, or squeeze profits from Gulf spill?

    by Daniel J. Weiss.

    This post is co-authored by Susan Lyon.

    ExxonMobil will convene its annual shareholders meeting in Dallas this morning as the magnitude of the ongoing BP oil disaster grows. This is a reminder that oil companies need to be held accountable for their actions—both while the oil gushes from the ocean floor and 20 years after the spill. The Exxon Valdez oil accident that slimed Prince William Sound in Alaska in 1989 is a chilling reminder of the need for government oversight and corporate accountability.

    Exxon and BP’s broken record

    Many would assume that BP—the company responsible for the Gulf Coast disaster—will cover the entire cost of cleanup. But we learned from the Exxon Valdez spill that the reality is very different:

    The Exxon Valdez tanker spilled more than 11 million gallons of crude oil into Alaska’s Prince William Sound, which eventually contaminated approximately 1,300 miles of shoreline. The total costs of Exxon Valdez, including both cleanup and also “fines, penalties and claims settlements,” ran as much as $7 billion. Cleanup of the affected region alone cost at least $2.5 billion, and much oil remains.

    Yet Exxon made high profits even in the aftermath of the most expensive oil spill in history. They made $3.8 billion profit in 1989 and $5 billion in 1990. And this occurred while Exxon disputed cleanup costs nearly every step of the way.

    Exxon fought paying damages and appealed court decisions multiple times, and they have still not paid in full. Years of fighting and court appeals on Exxon’s part finally concluded with a U.S. Supreme Court decision in 2008 that found that Exxon only had to pay $507.5 million of the original 1994 court decree for $5 billion in punitive damages. And as of 2009, Exxon had paid only $383 million of this $507.5 million to those who sued, stalling on the rest and fighting the $500 million in interest owed to fishermen and other small businesses from more than 12 years of litigation.

    Twenty years later, some of the original plaintiffs are no longer alive to receive, or continue fighting for, their damages. An estimated 8,000 of the original Exxon Valdez plaintiffs have died since the spill while waiting for their compensation as Exxon fought them in court.

    Coastal regions and coastlines of the Prince William Sound are still contaminated. The Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Trustee Council’s 2009 status report finds that as much as 16,000 gallons of oil remains in the sound’s intertidal zones today. A 2001 National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration study surveyed 96 sites along 8,000 miles of coastline and found that “a total area of approximately 20 acres of shoreline in Prince William Sound is still contaminated with oil. Oil was found at 58 percent of the 91 sites assessed and is estimated to have the linear equivalent of 5.8 km of contaminated shoreline.”

    Animals and ecosystems suffered immediately after the spill and still do today. Scientific American reported that, “some 2,000 sea otters, 302 harbor seals and about 250,000 seabirds died in the days immediately following the spill.” The researchers estimate that long term, “shoreline habitats such as mussel beds affected by the spill will take up to 30 years to recover fully.”

    Most of the oil cannot be mopped up. In fact, only about 8 percent was ever recovered. Dr. Jeffrey Short of Oceana testified at a hearing on the 20th anniversary of Exxon Valdez that, “Despite heroic efforts involving more than 11,000 people, $2 billion, and aggressive application of the most advanced technology available, only about 8 percent of the oil was ever recovered. This recovery rate is fairly typical rate for a large oil spill. About 20 percent evaporated, 50 percent contaminated beaches, and the rest floated out to the North Pacific Ocean, where it formed tar balls that eventually stranded elsewhere or sank to the seafloor.”

    Exxon fought the courts, while BP botched the cleanup

    Exxon didn’t fail in its response efforts 20 years ago alone. BP actually joined Exxon in its response efforts—officially BP PLC, the same firm working to stop the gusher in the Gulf of Mexico now.

    The Associated Press reports: “BP owned a controlling interest in the Alaska oil industry consortium that was required to write a cleanup plan and respond to the spill two decades ago … investigations that followed the Valdez disaster blamed both Exxon and Alyeska for a response that was bungled on many levels.”

    The same lack of preparation persists today, as BP workers and trained local employees and officials scramble to contain the gushing oil.

    BP profits while disaster unfolds

    BP has made huge profits over the last 10 years. In fact, during the early days of the Gulf of Mexico disaster, BP was making “enough profit in four days to cover the costs of the spill cleanup” so far.

    BP made $163 billion in profits from 2001 to 2009 and $5.6 billion in the first quarter of 2010. And The Washington Post found that, “BP said it spent $350 million in the first 20 days of the spill response, about $17.5 million a day. It has paid 295 of the 4,700 claims received, for a total of $3.5 million. By contrast, in the first quarter of the year, the London-based oil giant’s profits averaged $93 million a day.”

    Meanwhile, contamination in the gulf continues to worsen. BP CEO Tony Hayward bet there would be a “very, very modest” environmental impact on the region, but the gulf’s fisheries and shorelines will likely follow in the tragic path of the aftermath of the Exxon Valdez oil spill—ruined for decades after. Add thousands of gallons of chemical dispersants used for cleanup to this mix, along with their unknown but potentially toxic effects, and this only compounds the damage to public health, tourism, and the region’s greater economy.

    NOAA has already shut down “nearly 20 percent of the commercial and recreational fisheries in the area because of the spill.” And U.S. Commerce Secretary Gary Locke declared a fishery disaster in the Gulf of Mexico on Monday; the affected area includes Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama.

    There is only more devastation to come to the communities in the region as their local populations and tourism industries suffer a blow not easily nursed back to health.

    Holding BP accountable for the aftermath

    BP cannot be let off the hook like Exxon was. No matter what anyone does, most of the gushing oil cannot be recovered; this is why BP must be responsible for regional restoration and cleanup—as well as plugging the hole.

    BP needs to be held accountable for stopping the oil gusher and for shouldering the safety, health, restoration, and cleanup costs for years to come. President Obama created an independent commission to investigate causes and cleanup options for the disaster, and Congress is attempting to raise oil spill liability caps. But more steps need to be taken to hold BP fully accountable for the aftermath of the disaster.

    BP should be required to place its 2010 first quarter profit of $5.6 billion in an escrow account to provide compensation to the fishermen, those in the tourist industry, and others whose livelihoods are threatened. These funds should also be used for cleaning up the soon to be blighted shores.

    We are reminded as one of the largest environmental disasters in history continues to unfold in the gulf that we are putting our economy, national security, and environment at greater risk every day that the Senate fails to pass comprehensive clean energy and climate legislation. Yet ExxonMobil and BP both bragged that 2009 was a year of safety and environmental improvements for them; BP even claimed that, “2009 was an outstanding year” for their exploration and production efforts.

    The BP Gulf Coast disaster reminds us that the offshore oil industry as a whole carries extreme risks that the American people cannot bear. We must act now to dramatically reduce our oil use, and President Obama and leaders in both parties of Congress must provide the leadership necessary to develop a clean energy and climate solution that becomes law this year.

    Related Links:

    Cousteau dives into ‘nightmare’ U.S. oil slick [VIDEO]

    Oil rig workers missed ‘very large abnormality’ before explosion

    What if the oil spill just can’t be fixed?






  • Big energy vs. coal ash regulation

    by Sue Sturgis.

    A special Facing South investigation.

    When the catastrophic
    coal ash spill
    occurred at the Tennessee Valley Authority’s
    Kingston plant in 2008, a quiet debate over how to regulate coal ash had
    already been going on for decades, largely outside the view of the
    public or press.

    That all changed with the Kingston spill, which aside from releasing a
    billion gallons of toxic waste into a nearby community and river system
    also pushed
    the problem of coal ash into the national spotlight
    and led to
    calls for change.

    The month after the Tennessee disaster, EPA
    Administrator Lisa Jackson signaled during her Senate confirmation
    hearing that the agency would revisit the issue of coal ash regulation.
    “The EPA currently has, and has in the past, assessed its regulatory
    options, and I think it is time to re-ask those questions,” Jackson said.

    Jackson
    soon began to make good on her promise. The EPA launched an inventory of
    coal ash impoundments like the one that failed at Kingston, sending
    information requests to more than 160 electric generation facilities and
    60 corporate offices. Armed with this and other data, Jackson and the
    EPA concluded that the nation’s standards for regulating coal ash needed
    revision.

    But the agency’s efforts soon ran up against massive
    resistance from an array of powerful interests—industries and groups
    that had succeeded in enabling coal ash to escape federal oversight for
    decades, creating a regulatory vacuum that many say made a Kingston-like
    disaster almost inevitable.

    Fending off ‘burdensome
    regulatory requirements’

    The battle over regulating coal ash
    goes back to 1976, when Congress passed the Resource Conservation and
    Recovery Act
    , the main federal law that governs disposal of
    hazardous and non-hazardous waste.

    In the beginning, coal
    combustion waste was not included in RCRA, and in 1978 EPA proposed that
    coal ash be covered under the law as a special hazardous waste.

    But
    before that happened, Congress passed the Bevill Amendment in 1980,
    which effectively exempted the coal waste from RCRA. The amendment was named for Rep. Tom
    Bevill
    , a 15-term Democratic congressman from coal-dependent Alabama
    who chaired the powerful House Energy Development and Water
    Appropriations Subcommittee. During congressional debate, Bevill declared that “it would be unreasonable for EPA to impose costly and burdensome
    regulatory requirements without knowing if a problem really exists, and
    if it does, the true nature of that problem.” Bevill’s amendment called
    on the agency to delay regulation and study the matter instead.

    Congress’
    reluctance to regulate was reinforced when the EPA went on to release
    two reports—one in 1988 and another in 1999—finding that damages
    from coal ash did not warrant lifting the regulatory exemption.

    But
    in 2000, the agency began to change course. That year, as required by
    the Bevill Amendment, the EPA published a proposal titled “Regulatory
    Determination on Wastes from the Combustion of Fossil Fuels” that
    concluded federal regulations for the disposal of coal ash—either
    under RCRA and/or the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act—were
    necessary to protect public health and the environment.

    “Public
    comments and other analyses … have convinced EPA that these wastes
    can, and do, pose significant risks to human health and the environment
    when not properly managed, and there is sufficient evidence that
    adequate controls may not be in place for a significant number of
    facilities,” the
    proposal found
    . “This, in our view, justifies the development of
    tailored regulations under Subtitle C of RCRA.”

    In other words,
    the EPA was saying that it was finally ready to treat coal ash as
    hazardous waste.

    The EPA sent its report to President Bill
    Clinton’s White House Office of Management and Budget for review. An EPA
    employee involved in the internal debate told the Center
    for Public Integrity
    “it really hit a brick wall at OMB.”

    The
    administration was flooded with letters from electric utilities and
    visits from their lobbyists warning that regulating coal ash as
    hazardous waste would lead to economic hardship for them and their
    customers. New standards would increase the cost of disposing of coal
    ash waste, an extra cost the EPA estimated at about $1 billion per year.
    But industry representatives argued the cost would be astronomically
    higher—perhaps upwards of $13 billion.

    After the lobbying
    onslaught, EPA backed away from regulating coal ash as hazardous waste
    in 2000. But the agency promised to issue guidelines to help states
    oversee it more effectively—a critical step, since most states lacked
    even basic safeguards for coal ash disposal sites.

    But the EPA
    didn’t follow through. And without federal guidelines, states continued
    with business as usual. Five years later, a report prepared for EPA’s
    Office of Solid Waste found that most states didn’t require monitoring
    the impact of coal ash disposal sites on groundwater, more than half
    didn’t require liners, and more than a quarter didn’t even require
    something as basic as dust controls at coal ash landfills. The report
    also found that most of the coal ash produced in the top 25
    coal-consuming states could legally be disposed of in a way that
    directly threatened drinking water supplies in underground aquifers.

    A
    consensus for regulation grows

    Meanwhile, even within the EPA,
    evidence was mounting that coal ash posed a growing threat to
    environmental and human health.

    In 2007, a draft assessment was
    prepared for the EPA titled “Human
    and Ecological Risk Assessment of Coal Combustion Wastes”
    that
    found some unlined coal ash impoundments pose a cancer risk 2,000 times
    above what the government considers acceptable. The assessment found
    that the use of a composite
    liner
    —a multi-layered liner like those required in municipal
    waste landfills—significantly reduced the risk of exposure to
    health-threatening pollution. However, most states don’t require such
    liners for coal ash impoundments.

    That same year, a report by the EPA Office of Solid Waste tallied up the number of cases
    nationwide where coal ash was found to have caused environmental damage,
    documenting 24 cases of proven damages caused by coal ash and another
    43 potential damage cases related to coal ash. Most of those cases
    involve toxic contamination from coal ash impoundments leaching into
    groundwater, rivers, and lakes. (For a map with more details about confirmed U.S. damage cases, click here.)

    The EPA’s internal studies were
    complemented by a growing body of research by independent scientists and
    advocacy groups documenting the environmental and health consequences
    of coal ash.

    Earlier this year, for example, the Environmental
    Integrity Project and Earthjustice released a report titled “Out
    of Control: Mounting Damages From Coal Ash Waste Sites”
    that found
    serious water contamination problems from coal ash dumps at 31 locations
    in 14 states. The report noted that the contamination is concentrated
    in communities with family poverty rates above the national median.

    Recently
    the EPA also acknowledged that toxic elements like arsenic, chromium,
    and selenium can leach out of unlined coal ash dumps and into local
    water supplies in much higher concentrations than was earlier believed.
    After 20 years of using a testing method that the EPA’s own Science
    Advisory Board argued was low-balling the contamination risk, the agency
    recently began
    using an updated test
    that found the level of toxic contaminants
    leaching into water clearly crossed the threshold for designating coal
    ash as a hazardous waste.

    “These unregulated sites present a
    clear and present danger to public health and the environment,” said
    Earthjustice attorney and former EPA official Lisa Evans. “If law and
    science are to guide our most important environmental decisions, as EPA
    Administrator Lisa Jackson has promised, we need to regulate these
    hazards before they get much worse.”

    Hitting another brick
    wall

    But Washington’s latest effort to
    regulate coal ash—spurred by the TVA disaster—has again met
    massive resistance from a familiar array of powerful political
    interests.

    Last October, the EPA sent a draft regulation to the
    White House Office of Management and Budget. The proposed rules
    immediately became the target of a massive lobbying
    onslaught
    by electric utilities and energy interests determined to
    prevent coal ash from being regulated as hazardous waste.

    The
    Charleston Gazette reported that OMB held 30 meetings about the rules with industry officials
    compared to only 12 with environmental and public health groups. The
    intense lobbying campaign was notable because of the electric utility
    industry’s already considerable clout in Congress: One of the most
    politically generous, it’s contributed more
    than $9 million
    to members’ campaigns during the 2009-2010 election
    cycle so far, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.

    Joining
    the lobbying effort were state
    agencies and federal lawmakers
    who voiced concern about the cost of
    strict regulation and how it would affect the recycling of coal ash
    into products and its use as fill in construction projects.

    Many
    of the congressional defenders of coal ash represent states where the
    toxic waste has been implicated in environmental damages. For example, a
    Facing
    South analysis
    found more than 50 proven and suspected coal ash
    damage cases in the states represented by the more than 90 senators and
    representatives who wrote to the Obama administration opposing the
    regulation of coal ash as hazardous waste.

    As the political
    battle raged behind closed doors, the latest push to regulate coal ash
    seemed like it might again be derailed. The EPA originally said it would
    roll out a proposed rule for public comment by the end of 2009, but the
    release was postponed with the agency blaming
    the delay
    on the “complexity of the analysis.”

    The new rules
    were then supposed
    to be released
    in April 2010, but were put off again.

    Finally,
    earlier this month the EPA released
    the rules
    to the public. But instead of issuing a clear standard
    that would treat coal ash as a hazardous waste as
    it originally planned
    , the agency released
    two options
    : one that would empower the federal government to
    oversee the material like other hazardous waste, and one that would
    treat coal ash like ordinary trash and leave oversight up to the states.

    The
    agency asked the public to help decide which approach makes the most
    sense during a three-month comment period that will begin when the
    regulation is published in the Federal Register, which is expected to
    happen as soon as this week.

    Environmental watchdogs expressed
    disappointment over the agency’s equivocation. Eric Schaeffer, a former
    EPA official who now directs the nonprofit Environmental Integrity
    Project, said the move “sets up a boxing ring.” However, he also said he
    sees value in moving the fight from behind OMB’s closed doors out into
    the open.

    “It’s in the public arena now, and that’s really
    important to move things along,” he said.

    Related Links:

    By the way, is anyone checking on nuclear-plant safety plans?

    Should we prefer investing in renewable energy to cleaning up the dirty stuff?

    Disaster in east Tennessee






  • Cousteau dives into ‘nightmare’ U.S. oil slick [VIDEO]

    by Agence France-Presse.

    Watch Philippe Cousteau Jr., grandson of legendary ocean
    explorer Jacques Cousteau, dive into the oily Gulf of Mexico on ABC’s Good Morning America

    Jacques Cousteau would have been “horrified” by the devastation being
    wrought by a huge Gulf of Mexico oil spill, his grandson said after diving down
    into the seas.

    “There’s a
    chemical dispersant/oil mixture that is now … over vast areas of the Gulf and
    as we feared it’s not concentrated at the surface,” Philippe Cousteau Jr.
    told CNN, adding “this absolutely is a nightmare.”

    “We were
    about 15 to 20 feet down and it was dispersed into smaller and smaller
    particles throughout the water column in these billowing clouds that were just
    circling us, encompassing us in this toxic soup. It was very, very
    alarming.”

    Oil has been
    spewing into the seas since an April 20 explosion on the Deepwater Horizon rig,
    just off the Louisiana coast, and the spreading slick is seeping into the
    state’s fragile marshlands.

    “I know
    that my father and grandfather would have been doing this if they were alive
    and that they would have been just as horrified by what they saw as I
    was,” Cousteau said in a post on his blog.

    During the
    “gruelling” dive, which required three weeks or preparation, Cousteau
    and his team wore full hazmat diving suits and heavy hard-hat helmets weighing
    some 30 pounds.

    He said as the
    team was underway, “wave after wave of oil/chemical dispersant mix washed
    over us.”

    “This was
    one of the most terrible experiences of my life seeing first-hand what this oil
    spill looks like under the water and knowing that this contamination is
    spreading over hundreds of miles.”

    And as BP on Wednesday readied a new bid to
    cap the leak, Cousteau warned, “Even if they do manage to cut off the oil
    tomorrow, the oil that has escaped will spread, following currents as far as
    the Arctic Circle via the Gulf Stream, wreaking havoc along the way. I can only
    hope that we learn from this and start to truly take the kind of drastic action
    necessary to begin the decades-long road to recovery.”

    Related Links:

    Will BP take responsibility, or squeeze profits from Gulf spill?

    Oil rig workers missed ‘very large abnormality’ before explosion

    What if the oil spill just can’t be fixed?






  • Oil rig workers missed ‘very large abnormality’ before explosion

    by Randy Rieland.

    Here’s
    something to fill you with confidence on the eve of BP’s risky “Top Kill”
    gambit: Workers on the Deepwater Horizon
    rig missed warnings that something was seriously wrong before the rig exploded.
    BP itself, in a memo to a House committee, reveals that crewmen failed to heed signs
    of a “very large abnormality”
    underwater. In fact, they apparently missed one warning
    sign after another
    that day.

    Third time’s the charm?

    Or will it be three strikes you’re out? Later today, BP will try, try, try
    again to—as the president put it—“plug the damn hole.” This latest attempt is the “top kill,” in which a mix of
    heavy mud and cement is shot into the well to counteract the upward pressure of leaking oil and gas. If the top kill fails,
    BP will move on to the “junk shot,” in which a gumbo of rope, tires, and golf balls
    gets pumped into the leak. If the junk shot doesn’t work, it’s “top hat” time—the
    smaller of the two containment domes will be lowered over the well to hopefully
    capture leaking oil and pump it to the surface. 

    And if that doesn’t work, well, we’re pretty much screwed.

    Now that the oil giant relented to pressure from
    the feds, we can watch it all go down on the BP webcam.

    That’ll
    show ‘em

    A criminal investigation of BP is gaining
    traction. The Justice Department now says
    it will give “due consideration” to charges by a group of Senate Democrats that
    BP misled the feds about its ability to respond to oil spills in the Gulf of
    Mexico.

    And in a ratcheted-up
    campaign to show he’s pissed, President Obama will announce tomorrow that federal regulators
    will stop being soft touches when they inspect offshore oil rigs.

    Fox, henhouse … henhouse, fox

    All of which raises more
    stink about a system in which regulators don’t regulate. Maureen Dowd, writing in The New York Times, draws parallels with the
    recent banking fiasco:

    As when derivatives
    experts had to help unravel the derivatives debacle, now the White House is
    dependent on BP to find a solution to the horror it created. The financial
    crisis and the oil spill are both man-made disasters brought on by hubris and
    avarice.

    And The Washington Post’s Steve Pearlstein says, “It’s time for the business community to give up its jihad against regulation.”

    It
    hardly captures the breadth and depth of these regulatory failures to say that
    during the Bush administration the pendulum swung a bit too far in the
    direction of deregulation and lax enforcement. What it misses is just how
    dramatically the regulatory agencies have been shrunken in size, stripped of
    talent and resources, demoralized by lousy leadership, captured by the
    industries they were meant to oversee and undermined by political interference
    and relentless attacks on their competence and purpose.

    How bad is it?

    You can now
    place bets on which species will be the first to go extinct thanks to the BP
    spill
    . According to gambling
    website PaddyPower.com, the Kemp’s ridley sea turtle is the odds-on favorite.

    Related Links:

    Will BP take responsibility, or squeeze profits from Gulf spill?

    Cousteau dives into ‘nightmare’ U.S. oil slick [VIDEO]

    What if the oil spill just can’t be fixed?






  • I eat weeds

    by Steph Larsen.

    The first edible plant to poke its head out
    of the ground at my farm early this spring wasn’t lettuce, arugula,
    broccoli, or any other hardy plant widely seen at early farmers
    markets.

    It was stinging nettles.

    As a child, I nicknamed Urtica dioica “itch weed” because of the blistering rash that appears if you brush
    against it. It wasn’t until graduate school that I found out nettles
    are edible once dried or sautéed, which neutralizes the tiny stinging hairs they have.

    After this past long Nebraska winter, I was
    starving for something fresh and green, so when I found them growing in
    our field I grabbed my garden gloves and started harvesting. Brian, my partner, took a little convincing when I suggested we make rotini alfredo with
    nettles, but he was brave. I’m happy to report that he thought they had
    a pleasant, nutty flavor. I think it’s the only time I’ve chopped
    anything for dinner with gloves on, but I’ll bet it’s not my last.

    The
    rest of the yard began sprouting not long after the nettles appeared,
    and we discovered a carpet of violets between our outbuildings. The
    purple and white flowers made a nice contrast with the yellow
    dandelions, and I knew then that spring had arrived.

    I was
    surprised, then, when Brian started picking the flowers and munching
    them while we pondered where to put the garden. Turns out that violets
    have a fresh taste and a pleasant crunch that goes well with deep
    thinking. I was so excited about this that I briefly considered
    planting our 5-acre pasture entirely to violets and selling the edible
    flowers to high-end restaurants to use in salads and as garnish,
    thereby making a fortune.

    Clearly Mother Nature was listening
    when I joked about this plan, and she is not without a sense of irony.
    By far the biggest weed problem I have in my garden right now is
    violets. It seems that when violets are tilled, the broken root pieces
    are still viable and can sprout new plants. I’ve tried to make a deal
    with the violets that they can have the rest of the yard if I can have
    just my garden violet-free, but so far they haven’t taken me up on it.

    The word “weed” has such a negative connotation, but really weeds are just “plants out of place,” as someone once said. I’m
    starting to realize that plants I didn’t intentionally put on our farm
    can be very useful. For example, I don’t think of it as “mowing grass”
    at our house—instead, we’re harvesting mulch for the sapling trees
    we planted. The wild asparagus is delicious, the bromegrass keeps the sheep fed while the pasture grows, and the garden phlox makes my house smell lovely. Someday I’d like to brew dandelion wine, but I think that’s for another year.

    Even kudzu, the invasive weed nicknamed “the vine that ate the South,”
    has important uses as a starchy food, a medicine to treat hangovers and
    control alcohol cravings, and for lotions and soaps. I first learned
    about kudzu from the book My Year of Meats by Ruth Ozeki,
    and it occurred to me then that one way to control a weed is to find
    enough ways to use the plant so that people want to harvest it.

    As
    useful as weeds can be, they can still get in the way of plants I’m
    trying to grow. Still, when I’m in a bad mood, there’s nothing quite as
    satisfying as to take my aggression out on a patch of stubborn
    crabgrass. Just don’t tell my neighbors, or soon I’ll have everyone
    inviting me over to weed their gardens, too.

    Recipe: Fettuccine with Nettle & Ricotta Pesto

    I use nettles in soup, pasta, eggs, sauteed with butter and garlic as a
    side—anywhere you’d use spinach or kale. But this recipe, courtesy
    of Mariquita Farm’s newsletter, looks especially tasty.
    Created by Armando “Tiny” Maes of Lavanda in Palo Alto, it serves 8 people.

    1 lb fettuccine (preferably fresh)
    1/2 pound nettles
    6 oz. ricotta
    5 oz. pine nuts
    1/4 cup pecorino
    2 tablespoons parmesan
    3 tablespoons green garlic (chopped)
    1 1/4 cup Olive Oil
    8 tablespoons sea salt
    6 tablespoons butter

    First, blanch the nettles in salted water. Bring a gallon of water and 4 tablespoons of the sea salt to a boil. Blanch for about 1 minute. (Trick:
    put the nettles in a strainer, then set the strainer in the pot of
    water. After a minute, take the strainer out. It saves having to
    fish the leaves out.) Roughly chop the cooked nettles and squeeze out
    excess water.

    Place the nettles into a blender or food processor; add
    oil, 4 ounces of pine nuts (saving the rest as a garnish), and the green
    garlic. Blend until all ingredients are combined, about 30 seconds to 1
    minute.

    Place the combined ingredients in a bowl, add pecorino,
    parmesan, and ricotta. Finish the pesto by folding in the three cheeses
    just until it looks like everything has come together.

    In
    a separate pot, bring 2 quarts water and the remaining 4 tablespoons of the sea salt to a boil to cook the
    pasta. (You should be able to taste the salt in the water; if not, add
    more.)

    In another large saucepan or large sauté pan, place about
    just less than half of the pesto mixture and 6 tablespoons butter and heat until hot but not boiling
    or popping. In the pot, cook the pasta for approximately 2 to 4 minutes, remove 1/4 cup
    of the pasta water and reserve in case you need to thin the pesto.

    Pull the pasta from the water, drain, and toss with the warmed pesto sauce,
    then cook on medium heat for just about 2 to 3 minutes so that the sauce has
    time to infuse into the pasta. Serve with good bread.

    Related Links:

    Feeling sheepish: An exercise in small-town networking

    What the Kerry-Lieberman climate bill means for farmers

    Ask Umbra on pasta, Clorox wipes, and a satisfied customer






  • Public service announcement: Don’t spit on the people transporting you

    by Ashley Braun

    ghmss via Flickr Creative Commons

    Bus drivers put up with a lot of crap: cranky commuters in the early morning, drunk partiers late at night, and would-be passengers breathlessly demanding that they open-the-doors-right-this-minute-I-didn’t-chase-this-bus-three-blocks-for-nothing. Maybe even witnessing the occasional fight.

    But, to my surprise, one of the spit falls of working in mass transit appears to be getting in spats yourself. The kind that requires wiping the saliva off your face afterward.

    For example, in 2009 there were 51 New York City bus drivers assaulted with spittle (yes, it counts as assault) who took paid leave after such an “incident.” And it took them, on average, about three months away from the job (with pay) to get over it. Based on these spittin’ images below, it doesn’t seem to be an uncommon weapon of mass disfunction. Has anyone witnessed such an orally corrupt event?

    fintbo via Flickr Creative Commons

    Spitting is now a crime punishable by CSI-style investigation.

    Pete Ashton via Flickr Creative Commons

    Your saliva is no good here.

    ——————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————

    Like what you see? Sign up to receive The Grist List, our email roundup of pun-usual green news just like this, sent out every Friday. And help keep puns in environmental news by donating a Lincoln to
    Grist
    (or a Benjamin, we don’t discriminate against non-presidents)!

    Related Links:

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  • By the way, is anyone checking on nuclear-plant safety plans?

    by Jonathan Hiskes

    It gives me the willies
    to think about it, but it’s probably a good time for a hard look at our
    “backup” accident plans for nuclear power plants, now that we know how unbelievably
    unprepared the BP/Transocean/Halliburton Dream Team was for an accident on
    their Deepwater Horizon offshore drilling rig. I mean, BP’s worthless response plan involved protecting (Arctic) walruses in the Gulf of Mexico.

    Our dirty-energy economy
    requires us to undertake lots of enormous, risky endeavors that we keep happily
    out of mind until something goes wrong. Few of us thought about the perils of
    drilling into deeper and deeper ocean beds until the last month. Few of us
    thought about coal-ash waste—the toxic sludge left over from coal-fired electricity generation—until a
    retaining wall broke and a pond of it poured out near Kingston, Tenn., 18
    months ago.

    I hear from more people who say they’re concerened about the safety risks of factory meat and other
    industrialized food. But with this, too, we’re largely at the mercy of
    out-of-sight federal regulators with a lackluster record (see “ammonia
    burgers
    ”). The BP gusher is proving—again—that safety
    regulators who are in hock to insanely lucrative industries aren’t going to do an adequate job of
    protecting us.

    I’ve been happily
    clueless about backup plans for the nation’s 104 nuclear-power reactors (to say
    nothing of military sites). Now I’m realizing how foolish that is.

     

    Related Links:

    What if the oil spill just can’t be fixed?

    Fake BP Twitter account attracts lots of followers

    The 7 dumbest things in BP’s spill response plan






  • Fake BP Twitter account attracts lots of followers

    by Agence France-Presse

    WASHINGTON—The Twitter account claims to be that of British Petroleum’s public relations department, but the messages are a little bit, well, odd for a company battling a massive oil spill.

    “Please do NOT take or clean any oil you find on the beach. That is the property of British Petroleum and we WILL sue you,” reads one “tweet” from the account @BPGlobalPR.

    “If we had a dollar for every complaint about this oil spill, it wouldn’t compare to our current fortune. Oil is a lucrative industry!” says another.

    “Proud to announce that BP will be sponsoring the New Orleans Blues Festival this summer w/special tribute to Muddy Waters,” reads a third.

    The fake account was created on May 19 by an unknown Twitter user and has quickly attracted more than 23,000 followers—four times more than the real BP Twitter account @BP_America.

    Other messages on @BPGlobalPR:

    “The good news: Mermaids are real. The bad news: They are now extinct.”

    “The ocean looks just a bit slimmer today. Dressing it in black really did the trick!”

    “Thousands of people are attacked by sea creatures every year. We at BP are dedicated to bringing that number down. You’re welcome!”

    Toby Odone, a BP spokesman, told Advertising Age that the company is aware of the fake account but has apparently not taken any steps to have it removed.

    “I’m not aware of whether BP has made any calls to have it taken down or addressed,” Odone told Ad Age. “People are entitled to their views on what we’re doing and we have to live with those. We are doing the best we can to deal with the current situation and to try to stop the oil from flowing and to then clean it up,” he said.

    The @BPGlobalPR feed is not the only attempt at humor on Twitter regarding the oil spill.

    Another account, @common_oil_spil, purports to be the Twitter feed of the oil spill itself. It spits out terse messages such as “belch” and “glug, glug, glug” or references to the various attempts to plug the well such as “golf balls?”

    Related Links:

    What if the oil spill just can’t be fixed?

    By the way, is anyone checking on nuclear-plant safety plans?

    The 7 dumbest things in BP’s spill response plan






  • What if the oil spill just can’t be fixed?

    by David Roberts

    The BP Gulf oil disaster is reaching an interesting phase. People’s gut instinct, their first reaction, is to find someone to blame. They blame BP for negligence; the Obama administration for its tepid response; the Bush administration for lax regulatory enforcement. People have been casting about for some way to compartmentalize this thing, some way to cast it as an anomaly, an “accident,” the kind of screwup that can be meliorated or avoided in the future.

    We are, however, drifting toward a whole different kind of place. Tomorrow BP is attempting the “top kill” maneuver—pumping mud into the well. If it doesn’t work, well … then what? Junk shot? Top hat? Loony stuff like nukes? Relief wells will take months to drill and no one’s sure if they’ll work to relieve pressure. It’s entirely possible, even likely, that we’re going to be stuck helplessly watching as this well spews oil into the Gulf for years. Even if the flow were stopped tomorrow, the damage to marshes, coral, and marine life is done. The Gulf of Mexico will become an ecological and economic dead zone. There’s no real way to undo it, no matter who’s in charge.

    I’m curious to see how the public’s mood shifts once it becomes clear that we are powerless in the face of this thing. What if there’s just nothing we can do? That’s not a feeling to which Americans are accustomed.

    Once we know that accidents can be catastrophic and irreversible, it becomes clear that there is no margin of error. We’re operating a brittle system, unable to contain failure and unable to recover from it. Consider how deepwater drilling will look in that new light.

    The thing is, we’re already operating in those circumstances in a thousand different ways—it’s just that the risks and the damages tend to be distributed and obscured from view. They’re not thrust in our face like they are in the Gulf. We don’t get back the land we destroy by mining. We don’t get back the species lost from deforestation and development. We don’t get back islands lost to rising seas. We don’t get back the coral lost to bleaching or the marine food chains lost to nitrogen runoff. Once we lose the climatic conditions in which our species evolved, we won’t get them back either.

    We’re doing damage as big as the Gulf oil spill every day, and there’s no fixing it. Humanity has grown in power, wealth, and appetite to the point that there is no more margin of error anywhere. We’re on a knife’s edge, facing the very real possibility that for our children, all the world may be one big Gulf of Mexico, inexorably and irreversibly deteriorating.

    Perhaps if the public gets a clear taste of this, they’ll step back and contemplate whether the kind of energy we use is really as “cheap” as it looks. Maybe they’ll stop thinking about how to drill better and start thinking about how to avoid drilling altogether. Because some mistakes just can’t be undone.

    Related Links:

    By the way, is anyone checking on nuclear-plant safety plans?

    Fake BP Twitter account attracts lots of followers

    The 7 dumbest things in BP’s spill response plan






  • The 7 dumbest things in BP’s spill response plan

    by Jonathan Hiskes

    We do not live in the Gulf of Mexico, you stupid oil company.Oil companies are supposed to have spill-response plans prepared
    before they begin drilling in American offshore waters. Minerals Management
    Service safety regulators are supposed to scrutinize those plans
    before signing off on them. But it’s looking more and more like no one bothered to
    read BP’s backup plan before the Deepwater Horizon rig began drilling
    35,000 feet below the ocean’s surface.

    Here’s the evidence:

    1. BP mentions sea lions,
    seals, sea otters, walruses in its Oil
    Spill Response Plan
    for the Gulf of
    Mexico region
    . The geniuses who wrote the plan either don’t know
    jack about wildlife, or they cribbed text out of a plan for the Arctic region.

    2. BP’s “plan” offers a Japanese home shopping site as the link to one of its “primary
    equipment providers for BP in the Gulf of Mexico Region [for] rapid deployment
    of spill response resources on a 24 hour, 7 days a week basis.” Apparently the
    site didn’t have a 100-ton underwater containment dome in stock—it took rescue workers days
    to build one in an early attempt to stop the leak … which failed.

    3. The “plan” included no
    information about tracking sub-surface oil plumes from deepwater blowouts,
    although more oil may be spreading below the surface than at the top.

    4. The “plan” includes no
    oceanic or meteorological data, despite the ocean-floor site in a hurricane-prone region.

    5. The “plan” directs BP
    media spokespeople to never make “promises that property, ecology, or anything else
    will be restored to normal.” Sounds like weasely responsibility-dodging,
    although this may be more honest than the company intended.

    6. The “plan” included no
    measures for preventing disease (viruses and bacteria) transmission to captured
    animals in rehab facilities. This was found to be a major risk after the Exxon
    Valdez spill, according to Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility
    (PEER), which analyzed the response plan and culled these absurd lapses in common sense.

    7. The nearly 600 pages of
    the “plan” consist largely of lists, phone numbers and blank forms, according
    to PEER Board Member Rick Steiner, a marine professor and conservationist who
    tracked the Exxon Valdez spill.

    “This response plan is not worth the paper it is written on,” Steiner said in a prepared statement. “Incredibly, this voluminous document never once discusses how to stop a deep
    water blowout even though BP has significant deep water operations in the
    Gulf.”

    Even if BP tried to craft a decent plan, all such contingency plans
    are basically “fantasy documents,” according to Rutgers sociologist Lee Clarke,
    who studies disasters. “These documents let everybody get through the day,” he
    told Grist
    . “They provide comfort that risks are under control. The plans
    are based on assumptions that you can control the uncontrollable, and the truth
    is there’s nothing much that can be done.”

    Good times, huh? If the giant bleeding gash in the earth has you bummed out, go check out some constructive responses.

    (Big hat tip to PEER for its work.)

    Related Links:

    The gulf oil spill in video

    BP gears up for ‘top kill’ to plug oil leak, despite doubts

    Is the Gulf oil spill spinning out of control?






  • Homeless learn to farm in Santa Cruz

    by David Hanson

    The second dispatch from the Breaking Through Concrete team, who’re driving across America in a biodiesel-fueled bus to document the urban-farm movement.

    The Santa Cruz Homeless Garden Project grows more than 4,000 strawberry plants.(Michael Hanson photos)The day began in the parking lot of a real estate office off Hwy 17 south of San Jose. We parked Lewis Lewis there after the long drive from Medford, OR. Sleeping at a gentle downslope angle, we hoped not to hear the window tap and see the bright white light of a California Highway Patrol officer’s mag light telling us we can’t overnight park here. But there were no rude awakenings or spicy dreams about Officer Poncherella, and we rolled out early, arriving at 7am to the Santa Cruz Homeless Garden Project‘s Natural Bridges Farm on the north side of Santa Cruz, Calif. 

    Paul Glowaski, farm director(Michael Hanson)Within a few minutes, we were eating breakfast strawberries and drinking coffee with David, one of the farm’s trainees. By nightfall, we would be back in the same spot sipping bourbon and eating dessert strawberrries with the farm director. As usual, it’s what happens between the coffee and the toddy that makes up a day.

    The Homeless Garden Project is a 20-year-old success story that began as a small plot and a thousand donated herb plants tended by a few homeless men and women. It now employs 14 homeless trainees and provides weekly CSA shares to over 80 members of the Santa Cruz community.

    People might wonder if the name isn’t demeaning. Yeah, we get that sometimes,” says Paul Glowaski, 31, farm director. “But at some point you’ve got to stand up and say, ‘This is who we are, we’re people.’”

     

    The Homeless Garden Project is not a charity case. It grows beautiful organic produce to rival any small farm’s in the country—deep shades of purple and maroon and green and yellow in the rainbow chard rows, artichoke stalks as tall as a man, strawberries the size of crabapples, kale, broccoli, squash, lettuce, spinach, bok choi, lavender, wheat (they make pancake mix), and rows of cut flowers. It just so happens that homeless people, given a chance at gainful employment for up to three years, are the ones moving the plow, lining the irrigation tubes, harvesting the goods, learning job skills, and enjoying the satisfaction of responsibility and community.

    “We hit both sides,” says Glowaski, a passionate man whose turquoise eyes almost tear up when he talks about the farm. “The progressives love us because we grow organic food and offer a social service and conservatives love us because we provide job training.”

    The farm is about to go crazy. Already the strawberries are lying fat and drunk in their sugary juices. The trainees—the term for employees—crouch between the rows and pluck them off, chatting and laughing.

    Robert, a Santa Cruz Homeless Garden trainee, in the shelter where he now lives.Robert arrived two months ago when he took a bus away from San Francisco and the bad scene he’d fallen into there. He’s lean and he smiles a lot. His voice is deep as a blues singer, but still all young and caramel smooth. He walks or takes the bus here from the homeless shelter, and he saves his money from the hourly farm wage he gets for working 20 hours a week. His training program began in early spring. He tells us about how amazing it feels to plant something, watch it grow, then pull it and share it with someone.

    Darrie Gaznhorn has been the executive director of the Homeless Garden Project for almost the entire 20 years. She works in the project’s gift shop in downtown Santa Cruz, for which trainees make wreaths and candles and other value-added farm wares during the winter. Gaznhorn’s worked with hundreds of trainees, and she’s seen some move on to success and others slide back down the wrong side of life. Although HGP doesn’t call itself a horticultural therapy project, therapy and recovery—in addition to concrete job skills—are intrinsic in a farm.

    “Food has incredible meaning for survival. It’s so needed and tangible and there’s such satisfaction in planting a seed and seeing it grow. You see results,” she says. “People say that when they’re weeding, they’re throwing away the bad thoughts. They see the clean row in front of them and this pile of bad stuff off to the side. Farming and providing food for people is an honorable thing, and it’s very healing.” 

    We stand at the edge of the Sonora wheat, a 16th-century heirloom seed brought up the coast by the Spanish missionaries and cultivated at HGP. Glowaski talks about his generation—our generation—and how it has a different approach to the nonprofit world than the one established by our parents’. He doesn’t like asking for money, preferring instead to aim for the new buzz in business planning: the Triple Bottom Line, the triangle formed by ecological, social, and economic values. It’s easy to see businesses that miss the ecological and social part; just watch the news. But many nonprofits, especially production urban farms, no longer want to settle for fundraisers and grants; they want and need to hit the economic corner of the triangle. 

    The sun takes its time setting and the wind is cold. The trainees have left but Glowaski’s still here. This is his time to chill. He says at this crepuscular hour the farm reveals itself in a brief moment of soft colors when everything alive is moving, either coming or going. 

    Here’s Glowaski talking about HGP:

     

    Related Links:

    Breaking Through Concrete: Day 1 – Seattle to Talent, Ore.

    Boost your support for urban agriculture with a rice-growing bra

    Rooftop farming and beekeeping boom in New York






  • The gulf oil spill in video

    by Jennifer Prediger

    Day 36: Scenes from the BP oil spill disaster. Embattled CEO walks oil-stained beach.  Embattled president caught in Rand Paul/Sarah Palin firestorm. Oily, pink people turn angry and naked in Houston.  Rachel Maddow, Steven Chu, Sylvia Earle, and so much more …

    Last night, Rachel Maddow devoted most of her show to the oil spill, including an interview with seemingly distraught BP CEO Tony Hayward:

    And here’s Maddow’s with Energy Secretary Steven Chu:

    Sarah Palin says Obama is sleeping with BP, because the oil giant gave him more money than any other candidate in the last Presidential election. 

    Watchdog group, Media Matters, says Palin’s claims are untrue. BP as a corporation did not give Obama more funding than other politicians. Their employees did.

    On “Face the Nation,” White House press secretary Robert Gibbs reponds to Sarah Palin and answers questions about the oil spill and the administration’s response. Aren’t you glad you don’t have his job?

    Man of the hour Rand
    Paul rags on Obama for ragging on BP
    . That kind of talk is just “un-American,” said Paul. But, wait. Wasn’t America founded by people criticizing Brits?

    Codepink activitists in Houston take off their clothes and put on some oil—lots of it—to protest BP. Then they sing, “The eyes of Texas are upon you.”

    Sarah Palin keeps signing autographs and keeps shilling for drilling. “We need to keep drilling because if we don’t drill for a year, we’re going
    to be more and more reliant on foreign countries that have even less stringent
    environmental standards,” Palin told ABC News.

    Finally. Someone who knows what they’re talking about.
    Oceanographer Sylvia Earle talks about the disastrous oil spell adding “insult to injury.”

    Related Links:

    The 7 dumbest things in BP’s spill response plan

    BP gears up for ‘top kill’ to plug oil leak, despite doubts

    Is the Gulf oil spill spinning out of control?






  • Win some free ‘Dirt!’

    by Umbra Fisk

    Dearest readers,

    I’m giving away DVDs of Dirt! The Movie signed by the directors
    to eight lucky readers. Narrated by Jamie Lee Curtis, the film is a glorious
    ode to the “living skin of the Earth” we so often taken for granted—an homage
    to dirt, if you will. All you have to do is let me know in the comments below
    how you use dirt. What is dirt to you? Is it the compost in your outdoor bin?
    Is it a badge of honor worn under your nails after a day of gardening? Is it
    what your indoor tomato plant calls its home?

    I’ll pick eight winners at random when the contest closes Wednesday
    at 5 p.m. PDT.

    And whether you win the goods or not, you can check out my
    interview with one of the film’s directors Bill Benenson
    to get a taste of Dirt!. And you can see what my pal Jennifer
    Prediger had to say about the movie
    when she saw it at the Environmental
    Film Festival.

    Filthily,
    Umbra

    Related Links:

    Ask Umbra on eco-fiction and hair donations for the oil spill

    Ask Umbra’s pearls of wisdom on driving

    Are we too clean?






  • Glacier gumshoe seeks secrets of climate change in ice

    by Seth Shulman

    It takes a certain kind of person to gather ice cores from remote glaciers, cart them back to a
    lab, and unlock the clues they contain about the climate record. Such a person needs to be
    hardy and skilled enough in the field to lead expeditions loaded with equipment
    into some of the world’s most rugged-and frigid-mountain terrain. Back at the lab,
    this person needs technical acumen and a meticulous attention to detail in order to measure the cores’ trace chemicals down to the parts-per-trillion level. To be a glacial
    detective, in other words, a person needs to be a little Stephen Hawking and a little
    Indiana Jones, which pretty much describes Cameron Wake, a daring climate geek
    from the University of New Hampshire.

    Wake fell in love
    with mountains at age 14, while he was in a rigorous climbing program in the Canadian
    Rockies. Straight out of college with a degree in geology, he got a job monitoring
    a glacier’s movement. “Once I was paid to work on a glacier, it was all over,”
    he says with a chuckle. “My career path was set.”

    At 23, Wake landed
    a job with a scientific expedition studying glacier hydrology in the Karakoram Mountains of northern Pakistan.
    Because of his mountaineering and skiing skills, the team trusted him to gather
    data in the most remote regions of the glacier. “I was hooked,” says Wake, who spent four consecutive summers in
    Pakistan’s mountains.

    After completing his master’s degree in geography, he went on to the
    University of New Hampshire for a PhD in earth sciences. His specialty? The climatic and
    environmental evidence locked inside the icy interior of glaciers. Since earning
    his PhD, Wake has led or collaborated in expeditions that have collected and
    analyzed glacial ice cores from Antarctica to Kyrgyzstan. He has coauthored
    dozens of peer-reviewed scientific papers analyzing the data from those cores.

    “Glaciers present
    a superb archive of how humans have dramatically changed the Earth’s atmosphere,”
    Wake says. “If you put out a call for engineers to design a system that stored
    pristine samples of the atmosphere for hundreds of thousands of years, I doubt
    they could design a better system than glaciers.”  

    Before Wake can study glacial cores, he has to
    get them, and that requires drilling them out. Even under the best circumstances the job is a logistical
    nightmare; sometimes, it’s damn near impossible. In the Himalayas, says Wake,
    the terrain was so treacherous and the elevations so high that his team couldn’t
    land a helicopter—even if the local authorities had allowed them to use one. Instead,
    expedition members had to carry virtually all the equipment and the frozen
    cores.

    For the job, Wake’s team developed a whole range of
    lightweight, flexible gear. The centerpiece of the effort, the so-called Eclipse
    drill, which can bore hundreds of meters into the ice, could be broken down
    into parts small and light enough to be carried. This ingenious workhorse, powered
    by solar panels, removes ice cores one meter at a time. The Eclipse performs with
    remarkable efficiency, but boring down hundreds of meters is long, painstaking
    work, and anything can happen. The core barrel, for example, can get stuck, and
    the drill might need to have its teeth sharpened. “Let’s put it this way,” Wake
    quips: “you’re happy when the boring is boring.”

    Once the core samples arrive back at the University
    of New Hampshire, they are temporarily housed in a freezer the size of a small
    house. Wake thinly slices the cores in clean-room conditions, and using elaborate
    procedures melts out their centers while avoiding any possibility of
    contamination. Then the high-tech analysis begins.

    “Basically,” Wake says, “we’re looking at very
    specific kinds of impurities in the snowflakes that have fallen and in the atmospheric
    dust that has settled to create the glacier’s historical record.”

    A large number of chemical compounds trapped in the
    ice can provide a chronicle of both local and global changes in the atmosphere at a given
    time. Wake and his colleagues can detect the unmistakable buildup of greenhouse
    gases, such as carbon dioxide, that are causing the planet to warm. The seasonal fluctuations of sea salt and stable isotopes of carbon trapped in the ice are like tree rings. By reading them, Wake’s
    team dates the samples precisely. In an ice core from Antarctica,
    for instance, scientists counted back through 80,000 years of seasonal
    fluctuations. Levels of an isotope of oxygen and hydrogen in the samples were good indicators of changes in temperature at different periods in the past.

    Wake and his colleagues read other chemical traces as though they were scouring a stack of old newspapers. The sudden appearance of radioactive cesium, for instance,
    marks the advent of aboveground nuclear tests by the United States and the Soviet Union prior to the 1963 test-ban treaty. And even
    in the planet’s most remote glaciers, Wake detects the
    surge in lead that heralds the rise of the automobile. The changes are
    unmistakable, “like a baseball bat hitting you on the head,” he says. The evidence of global warming that is buried in glacial ice, he says, has been clear for decades. But finding it is not enough. Glacier
    scientists like Wake want to describe not just how the climate has changed but why.

    “It is a lot like cancer research,” Wake says. “There
    is much more work to be done to understand exactly how cancers are triggered
    and how they develop. But we still know more than enough to deal with and treat
    individuals with cancer, sometimes with remarkable success. The same is true with
    climate change research. The planet’s climate is an exceedingly complex system,
    and there is still a lot to learn about exactly how it operates. Nonetheless, we
    know more than enough to act, and the treatment for the planet is clear: as
    quickly as we possibly can, we need to reduce the levels of greenhouse gases we
    are emitting and make the transition to a more sustainable future that includes
    greener energy technologies.”

     

    This
    is the third installment of America’s
    Climate Scientists: A series from the Union of
    Concerned Scientists
    . Click here to read all the climate scientist profiles.

    Related Links:

    Biochar – probably not going to save the world after all

    Underground Green Economy Employing Millions

    Battle of the carbon titans






  • Organic Valley lays down the law on raw milk

    by David Gumpert

    Organic Valley started up in 1988 with a vision of being a different kind of milk cooperative, one that helped save small family dairies via promoting organic dairy products.

    “It was an idealistic, mission-oriented place in those days, spreading the gospel about the benefits of organic dairy and founded on the premise of economic-justice for farmers,” recalls Mark Kastel, who served as a consultant to Organic Valley a year after it launched. (He’s currently head of the Cornucopia Institute, a watchdog organization that monitors dairy compliance with organic standards.)

    That idealism and Americans’ insatiable appetite for organic food helped propel Organic Valley onto a rapid growth path. Today it has more than 1,600 dairies and upwards of $500 million in annual sales, along with a premier brand in the organic-food marketplace with its line of milk, butter, yogurt, and cheese.

    Unfortunately, at least some of the idealism has vanished, thanks to a bitter year-long struggle among the farmers about whether the co-op should allow its dairies to sell or distribute unpasteurized, or “raw,” milk on the side.

    Last week, the board voted four to three to prohibit its member dairies from selling raw milk. “It’s not a fun issue here,” says George Siemon, the CEO. “Everyone on the board drinks raw milk.” It’s been the most bitter dispute in the enterprise’s 22-year
    history, he says.

    The decision threatens to tear Organic Valley apart, or at least hamper its business effectiveness, by raising two major risks.

    First, Organic Valley could lose a significant number of its dairy members. No one knows how many of its dairies sell raw milk, but 10% seems a conservative estimate, according to co-op insiders. That means 150 or 200 dairies, minimum, are selling raw milk. For those dairies, the business challenge is that raw milk fetches between $5 and $10 a gallon, while Organic Valley and other co-ops typically pay in the vicinity of $1.50 per gallon for bulk milk that then goes to pasteurization. But because most of the raw dairies are far from urban centers, where demand for raw milk is greatest, and are limited in most large states like Pennsylvania, New York, and Massachusetts to selling direct from the farm, it’s difficult to sell all their milk unpasteurized.

    With Organic Valley having taken its anti-raw-milk stand, those dairies have to choose between selling all their milk to the co-op, or complete a transition of selling all their milk directly to consumers, unpasteurized.

    Interestingly, it was the dual business life being lived by growing numbers of its members—in response to growing demand for raw milk—that precipitated the crisis. “It came to our attention because of farmers [complaining],” says Travis Forgues, a Vermont dairy farmer and a member of the board who voted to boot dairies that persist in selling some of their milk unpasteurized. “Raw milk sales for some of [the members] became a major part of their business. This did not sit well with some farmers…You have farmers selling milk against us.”

    Still, the debate over how to handle the situation has been highly emotional within the co-op. It has established no fewer than four special committees to consider the subject over the last year, and a couple weeks ago, its Dairy Executive Committee divided 20 in favor and 20 against prohibiting members from selling raw milk. The board of directors then decided the matter with its narrow vote.

    A second concern is that Organic Valley’s anti-raw-milk stance could alienate significant numbers of consumers. Organic Valley has many loyal customers among the raw milk crowd, some of whom buy the co-op’s yogurt or cheeses in addition to drinking raw milk.

    The Weston A. Price Foundation, which aggressively promotes raw milk consumption, recommends Organic Valley butter as a good alternative to members who don’t have access to raw butter. And the organization promoted the fact that it served Organic Valley sour cream to its 8,000-plus attendees at its annual conference last November. (Grist just ran a taste test that included Organic Valley’s ultra-pasteurized line and a New England’s raw version, with surprising results.)

    “Some members are concerned” about the PR fallout, says Forgues. He says he’s more concerned about possible legal problems that could occur if an Organic Valley member’s raw milk makes someone sick, though there’s no evidence that there is a potentially serious legal issue, since Organic Valley has no role in producing or selling a member’s raw milk.

    Siemon, the CEO, who is charged with coming up with an “implementation plan” for ridding the co-op of raw milk sellers, says the co-op wants to be “compassionate.” He expects at least a six-month hiatus before the new policy is fully implemented.

    But when it is, it will place Organic Valley up there with a small but growing number of co-ops and processors similarly implementing prohibitions against raw milk sales among suppliers.

    Forgues, the Organic Valley board member, argues vehemently that the co-op’s decision has nothing to do with concerns about competitive inroads being made by raw milk. “That has zero to do with what we are doing,” he says. “This is not an ag corporate decision.”

    Maybe not for Organic Valley, but it unfortunately fits into an expanding pattern of pushback by some states and Big Ag. For example, Wisconsin’s governor just vetoed a bill that would reversed the state’s ban on raw milk sales by allowing limited direct sales from farms. His veto came after both houses of the legislature passed the bill by overwhelming majorities.

    The issue of raw milk isn’t fading, unfortunately, It continues to arouse all kinds of strong emotions as demand inexorably expands. Organic Valley may or may not be a part of Big Ag, but its decision is certain to add a new emotional, and economic, overlay to the issue. It’s too bad farmer has to be pitted against farmer.

    Related Links:

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    In Court Case, FDA Takes a Strong Stand Against Unabridged Food and Health Rights