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  • Can an SEC ruling reverse climate change?

    by Mary Bruno

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    Mary: Hello and
    welcome to Grist Talks, our regular series of conversations with really smart
    people about really interesting topics. I’m Mary Bruno your really smart and interesting host. And I’m joined today by really smart and really
    interesting panelists. But before I bring them into the conversation, let me
    first introduce today’s topic.

    On January 27th, commissioners at the U.S.
    Securities and Exchange Commission decided in a close 3-2 vote that publicly
    traded companies really ought to disclose any climate change-related risks and
    opportunities that might affect their bottom line. So for example, do ski
    resorts have a plan for dealing with warmer, dryer winters? Have insurance
    companies calculated the budget impacts of more severe weather or a rise in sea
    level? Has the healthcare industry prepared for an expansion of certain viruses
    and bacteria? Inquiring, responsible investors needed to know, hence the SEC’s
    vote, and I quote “to prove public companies with interpretive guidance on
    existing SEC disclosure requirements as the apply to business or legal
    developments relating to the issue of climate change.”

    So what does it all
    mean? That’s why we’re here today.

    We’re going to be talking about impact
    of this “interpretive guidance” on day-to-day corporate practices and on the
    U.S. economy in general. But we’ll also be looking at the impact of the SEC
    decision on climate change itself. Could it, for instance, mark a turning point
    in the struggle to arrest climate change? Could these new SEC guidelines give
    corporate America, and maybe the rest of us too, a little nudge, maybe a shove,
    to start thinking and planning for the long term? If so, it would be an
    immense, an important cultural shift. Because let’s face it,  the ability to think ahead—way, way, way,
    ahead—is an obvious first step in tackling a problem as complex and
    multi-generational as climate change.

    So with that, I am very pleased to welcome our three
    panelists:

    Investor, Julie Gorte, Senior Vice President for Sustainable Investing
    at New Hampshire based Pax World Management Corporation, which, if you don’t
    know, was the first socially responsible investment firm in the U.S.; 

    Economist, Kristen Sheeran, Executive
    Director of the Economics for Equity and the Environmental, or E3 Network, in
    Portland, Ore., and co-author of the book, Saving Kyoto;

    And futurist, Sara
    Robinson, a fellow at both the Campaign for America’s Future and The
    Commonwill Institute, which are located in Washington D.C. and San Francisco,
    respectively. 

    It’s a great pleasure to
    have you all with us today. Julie Gorte, let’s start with you. 

    Investors have been pushing  the SEC for some kind of leadership or
    direction on corporate disclosure of climate-related risks, for 10 years,
    right? So why is this issue so important to investors? Why, if it is so
    important to investors, has it taken so long to get some action? And while you’re
    answering those questions, can you also describe for us who and how the
    investment community has been lobbying all this time?

    Julie:  The most proximate answer to that
    who and how question is that there were 22 of us that petitioned the SEC
    in September of 2007 to issue this guidance. And those petitioners included the treasurers, controllers, or financial officials
    representing California, Florida, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, New Jersey, New
    York, North Carolina, Oregon, Rhode Island, and Vermont. There were also two
    asset managers, including my firm Pax, and three nonprofits that joined in this
    petition.

    This was not the first time that the SEC had heard that
    we wanted some more interpretive
    guidance or action on climate change. We’d been saying so for quite some time.
    The Investor Network on Climate Risk, which includes all of the above mentioned
    entities as well as many more asset managers and asset owners, was formed in
    2001. Part of our platform right from the start was that we
    needed some public sector action, including guidance or action on the reporting of
    climate change risks and opportunities. If I go back a
    decade, there were very few
    in the investment community that paid attention to it accept in the socially
    responsible investment world. In the years since 2001, the investment community has become much more interested in and aware of climate change.

    There was a
    report in the early 2000s from the Association of British Insurers noting that
    the damages, or losses—insured losses—from severe weather had doubled and
    tripled over the previous two-to-three year period, and that they were expected
    to continue to rise on a rather dramatic scale as a result of climate
    change. So when the insurers get concerned, because that absolutely is their bottom line, a lot of other investors started
    paying attention.

    Now we’re seeing reports from all the mainstream analysts that provide research to everybody else
    in the financial community—you know, Citigroup, Goldman Sachs, HSBC, Societe
    General—covering climate
    change, originally just with respect to the big emitters like utilities and
    energy companies, but then sort of branching out and saying “well, here’s how
    it could effect this sector or that sector.” And pretty soon it got to the
    point where we recognized that there are no sectors, really, that don’t have to think about climate change.

    You mentioned health
    care companies and the expanding landscape of morbidity and mortality. You’ve got Bell South with I don’t know how many thousands of
    wires strung all over the hurricane alley down in the South. So, what we’re
    really seeing in investment is that the consciousness of climate change as a
    financial issue has increased, and is still increasing, and I think that was part
    of the critical mass that led to the SEC issuing this guideline.

    Mary: So no
    sector left behind-I like that. Publicly-traded companies are already required to report anything considered “material”
    to their investors. So, why did
    it take so long? Why was it so difficult to convince the SEC on climate-change
    related risks and benefits? Were there certain stumbling blocks? And what or
    who finally made the SEC take action?

    Julie: Well, the
    SEC is kind of like a super-tanker: it doesn’t turn on a dime, and it probably
    shouldn’t. I think it does wait for issues to reach the level of concern or
    consciousness among a significant number of financial institutions before it acts.
    And that’s true of a lot of public policy. There was also an election, if you remember, a couple years ago that changed
    the makeup of all the executive [branch of government], including the SEC. So, we did have sort of a political
    change in America, as well as a rising tide of investor concern and sentiment
    regarding the materiality of climate change.

    Mary: So, there has been this growing awareness on the part of the investment community that
    climate change was an issue that was material to the success
    of the businesses they were thinking of investing in. Has that awareness
    and urgency, before the SEC ruling at least, spilled out at all into the
    corporate community? Or is it just investors that are on board with this?

    Julie: Oh, no.
    [Awareness and urgency] has been growing in the corporate community as well. The financial
    community is just kind of a mirror of the rest of society in many ways. So, if go back, for example, to 1997 to the third conference of the parties
    in Kyoto that resulted in the Kyoto Protocol, you could probably have used one
    hand to count the number of companies that actually reported anything with
    respect to climate change publicly. That would have included B.P. and Shell and a couple of other leaders, not
    too many. Since then, we’ve seen the insurance and reinsurance industries
    really start to run the bases on this issue, partly
    because they have to; they have long-term liability with respect to storms and fires
    and floods and droughts. A lot of the companies that were
    big emitters were aware, even back in 2000, that at
    some point, and certainly in 2005 when the Kyoto Protocol entered into force, [that they’d have to take account of climate change]. The awareness among U.S.
    companies was, “well, we may not have a law right now but there probably will
    be one someday and we should probably get ready to see what our liabilities
    are.”

    Mary: Kristen, do
    you have anything to add to that?

    Kristen: Sure. There’s this misperception amongst many that corporate America is
    opposed to actions that would deal with the climate change problem head on, and
    it’s simply just not the case. With the exception of the fossil-fuel industry
    and a few others who have very vocally opposed any pro-active measures in the
    U.S. to deal with climate change threats, most of corporate America realizes
    that the greatest risks of climate change come from its physical impact rather than
    from regulations per se. Whether you’re talking about big companies like
    Microsoft, Nike, Coca-Cola, Starbucks, these are just a few examples of
    businesses that have come out and openly supported immediate and aggressive
    actions to prevent climate change and have lobbied Congress in that regard.
    What business hates most is uncertainty. Business in America has been
    asking our elected leaders for clear and consistent rules, and clear and
    consistent pricing over carbon so they can plan ahead effectively.

    Mary: Clarity-it’s
    what we all need right?

    Kristen: Clarity
    and certainty.

    Mary: Julie, let
    me get back to you for a couple of quick questions. So the SEC action isn’t a
    law, right?

    Julie: That is
    correct.

    Mary: So, will it
    be enforced? How does it get enforced? Can companies just choose to ignore it
    if they want to?

    Julie: They can [choose to ignore it],
    yes. The law says that companies must report material actions to their
    investors. You ask any corporate lawyer what materiality means and
    they’ll say, “well, I can give you a long definition, but the short one is
    nailing jelly to a wall.” There’s always some doubt as to what materiality is,
    or what an investor would consider material, and the SEC has always resisted
    setting a numeric threshold: it’s not 5% of your earnings or your assets or
    something, although that’s often used as a rule of thumb.

    The SEC has been
    issuing guidance on the reporting of environmental liability for over thirty
    years now, so they’ve done this before. You know, if you have big Superfund
    cleanup liabilities, or asbestos liabilities, or something like that, you’re expected to
    say so to your investors. So what this SEC guidance does, is basically signals that the SEC sees climate change as something that could
    have a material impact on a sufficiently large number of publicly-traded
    companies that it’s worth considering in its own right. How would it be enforced? It would be
    enforced pretty much after the fact. If, for example, we had a coal company
    that decided that climate change wasn’t material, and then we got a law that
    significantly limited emissions and established a carbon-trading regime and the
    stocks of the coal company fell 25%, that company’s investors could come back and lodge
    a securities fraud lawsuit and say ‘you should have told us about this and you
    didn’t.’

    Mary: Let me move
    to you Kristen. Were economists also out there lobbying or arguing for some
    sort of regulatory change? Do economists lobby?

    Kristen: Economists, in general, tend to be very apolitical. But economists, especially
    those involved in the E3 network, have become increasingly vocal in warning
    that the economic damages from climate change will be significant, and that
    immediate and significant investments in things like reductions in energy
    efficiency and renewables will make good economic sense, especially when you
    compare those actions to the potential costs of inaction. There’s something that Julie
    just said that I really want to underscore. This ruling really demonstrates
    that the SEC, and the private sector more generally perhaps, is a lot further
    ahead than our own government at this point in really coming to terms
    with both the risks and opportunities present in the climate crisis. From
    an economics perspective, getting businesses to recognize and systematically
    account for the implications of climate change is important. But what
    economists more generally are lobbying for is a more broad-based and consistent policy
    framework that could help provide the right incentives to these businesses to
    make those changes.

    Mary: Is there consensus about
    what impact the SEC ruling will actually have on day-to-day corporate business
    practices and operations? Is it just going to mean longer annual reports? What’s
    going to happen?

    Kristen: It’s
    hard to say what impact this specific ruling will have. But I think it’s safe
    to say that there’s no doubt that climate change, and the realities of
    grappling with climate change, are going to change business as usual in
    America. Planning for climate change, by definition, means planning for the
    long term. It means having different attitudes and practices with regards to
    risk and the environment. One thing we’ll see coming out of this is that firms
    will no longer be able to relegate the environment to an afterthought.
    Sustainability, it’s clear, is no longer about marketing green products to your
    high-end consumer, or making sure that your workplace is more
    resource-efficient, or being civic-minded; it’s about being smart and strategic
    over the long-term. What we’re starting to see with this SEC decision is
    the elevating of long-term environmental concerns to the same realm as things like
    labor and capital to decision-making. This shift has been a long time in the
    making because long-term environmental concerns have been relegated to the back
    burner for quite some time.

    Mary: Julie, how
    do think this SEC action is going to affect investment decisions at Pax’s World
    and other, maybe, more or less “enlightened” firms? And do you want to
    speculate quickly about what impact you think it might have on the corporate
    community and the economy in general.

    Julie: One of the things that the financial market is not at all short on is
    ego. There are a lot of people in finance who are basically born on third base
    and go through life thinking they hit a triple. And if they don’t know
    something, it is, by definition, not important. And what they know is what
    companies report to them. If you give them information on a lot of companies, they will find a way to do really interesting things with it. What this will do is increase the trend of raised awareness toward climate
    change. Once that awareness is raised, investors start to act on that
    information. They say, ‘if you’re in this sector and aren’t aware of climate change, we
    don’t think you’re a terribly well-managed company.’ So you’re a little less
    willing to pay more for their earnings. The great secret about financial
    markets is that, in some sense they [create] a self-fulfilling prophesy. If we all, as
    investors, think that companies that are environmentally well-managed are going to perform better, we’ll pay more for them
    and they will trade at a premium. They will be worth more
    because of their environmental management. It’ll take a while. But giving people this information,
    giving them another way to distinguish well-managed companies from the hoi
    polloi is going to lead to that outcome. 

    Mary: So it could
    unleash a cascade of sustainability.

    Julie: Yes.

    Mary: Kristen, when it comes to the SEC ruling and then, longer term, from
    climate change itself, some businesses are going to be winners and some are
    going to be losers, right? The impact, of course, will vary based on the
    type and the size of the business in question. But given that, can you predict who the winners and losers will be, both short- and
    long-term?

    Kristen: There are two kinds of climate-related risks
    that this SEC ruling is basically taking into account. On the one hand there’s
    the risks that stem from the physical impacts of climate change. And on the
    other hand, there are the risks that are embodied in the impacts of regulating
    carbon and how that [regulation] is going to affect a firm’s operating costs and its
    competitiveness.

    The industries that are most vulnerable to the
    physical impacts of climate change, we’ve talked about some of them already, include industries like agriculture, forestry and paper products, tourism,
    real state, offshore energy development, and, of course, insurance. But
    companies that use fossil fuels intensely in their production, like the
    electric utilities that invest in high-emission power plants, or companies that
    produce carbon-intensive products, like car companies that continue to produce
    gas-guzzling SUVs rather than more efficient hybrids or diesel engines
    are also examples of companies that are going to find themselves at a competitive
    disadvantage in the future because of regulations on carbon and the resulting
    decrease in demand for carbon-intensive technologies and products.

    At
    the same time, companies that demonstrate that they can meet this new demand
    for low-emissions technology are gong to be at a competitive advantage.
    And these are the companies I think we’ll see emerge as winners in the new green
    economy. One of the
    most beneficial things that might come out of this ruling is that it’s going to
    help people begin to envision exactly which companies will or will not succeed
    in a carbon-constrained world over the next 25-to-50 years. We talk
    to people about how business-as-usual has to change, about how the economic
    system has to be transformed in order to really meet the climate challenge. You
    run up against the limits of people’s imaginations and their ability to think long-term about what that would look like? ‘What
    kind of car am I going to be driving?’ ‘Where am I going to live?’ ‘What kind of
    industries are my kids going to be working in?’ This is the first step in
    systematically beginning to identify that these are the industries that are
    poised to advance and these are the industries that are going to struggle in a
    carbon-constrained world.

    Mary: Sara, let
    me loop you into the conversation here. We’ve been talking, thus far, about
    the impact of this one, specific SEC decision’s effects on corporations and
    investors and the economy in general. 
    But as a futurist, what is it going to mean to the rest of us? For the regular people, like  the college student who’s pulling
    coffee at Starbucks, or the single mom who’s stocking shelves at Wal-Mart, or the unemployed auto worker, public school teacher—you name
    it. Is my life, or my habits, or my community going to change at all in the
    next year, or 10 years, or 20 years? Can you look into the crystal
    ball and tell us how?

    Sara: This [ruling] is part of a very important inflection point. After 20 years of talking and educating each other about
    climate change, we’re finally reaching the point where the doing is happening. Julie talked about turning supertankers. Changing our minds,
    changing our attitudes, our beliefs about things is comparatively low-cost
    compared to changing the entire financial and physical infrastructure of our
    society, which is really what this is about. And so we’re at that point. When
    the SEC makes guidances like this, it helps change the entire way money flows.
    And that in turn will change the structures we live by. So, yes, within five
    years I think investments will be flowing differently. Governments and
    businesses will be making big decisions, high-stakes decisions that they
    haven’t been willing to make on this kind of scale until this point. This does open the door. Changes will begin to happen more quickly because these [corporate] institutions
    are big; they control a lot of our resources. Individuals residences are only about 15% of the carbon problem; business is 85%. When
    business begins to change, that’s when the problem begins to get solved. I’m
    very excited about the prospects here.

    Mary: Kristen,
    you pointed at one point, earlier in the conversation, that an accounting for environmental risks has been largely absent from long-term corporate planning. But isn’t long-term planning central to corporate
    success? Does corporate America just not take climate change seriously? Have
    the captains of industries just been sticking their heads in the sand on this
    one? Or is corporate culture just not really designed at the moment to think
    more than two or three quarters out?

    Kristen: Long-term environmental risks have largely been absent from the forefront of
    business priorities and decision-making, and they’ve been absent, largely, from
    economics that then models those business decisions. In part, it’s
    because all of us have had this default assumption,
    whether we made it explicit or not, that we didn’t have to worry about
    long-term environmental problems because between technological change and
    economic growth would be able to negate
    most, if not all, negative environmental feedbacks. And here we are talking
    about an environmental crisis where the impacts are largely irreversible, at
    least within a human time frame. It forces us to realize that we can’t wait for
    technology to save us; we can’t just assume that being richer in the future
    will insulate us from these feedbacks. We need to take proactive actions in the
    present.

    We could, of course, also point to all sorts of other things that
    encourage institutional short-term decision-making. The current system of pay and rewards for corporate leaders, for example.
    When a CEO’s pay depends largely upon stock options and dividends, it’s no
    surprise that she’s going to make decisions based on short-term profitability
    rather than long-term considerations. The SEC ruling really won’t change that, but at
    least it’s going to give investors the information they need to determine which
    firms are going to remain profitable over the long-term.

    Mary: Julie, what’s
    your view on that? On that kind of short-term thinking that has come to
    dominate Wall Street, and American businesses, and certain investors, probably,
    for at least the last couple of decades? Why do you think it’s become so
    entrenched?

    Julie: It’s really embedded in our society. We have
    fast food, continuous polling in Congress. It’s all stuff
    that tends to focus you on the right here, right now. What I call the wolf at
    the door problem. If the most important thing in your life right now is that you
    don’t have a job, you’re not going to be very worried about climate change. Climate
    tends to be more of the termite in the basement problem. Termites will eat your house just as surely as the wolf will blow it down. But
    you can’t wait until the termites have eaten the parlor floor until you act,
    because by then it’s too late. We have greenhouse gases that persist in
    the atmosphere for up to a century in many cases. It’s
    something we have to start on now and get the payoff later. That is not
    terribly in step with our current society.

    Mary: Sara, let
    me get back to you. When I think about our ability to think long-term as a
    species, the Mayans built these huge temples, the Egyptians built pyramids, the
    Europeans built cathedrals. All projects that took generations to
    complete. The person who launched these projects—the pharoah, the archbishop—had to know that they certainly wouldn’t be alive to see their completion, nor
    would their grandchildren, or their great-grandchildren. So
    humans obviously possess the capacity for very long-term thinking. Are
    there more contemporary examples of long-term planning that you could provide that would give us some hope in that regard? Or has that ability to plan for the long term somehow atrophied? If it has atrophied, why did it happen and how can we get it back?

    Sara: First of
    all, Americans are world-class planners; we are in league with those [temple, pyramid, cathedral] people. We
    tend to do it on a very fast basis. We’re acute responders. We do it in the
    E.R. What we don’t do in the long-range, we can do a lot, and very quickly, in the
    short-range. We know how to organize and prioritize in a way that nobody in the
    world has been able to do. We proved this in World War II: we were arming the
    world and fighting a two-front war and we had these logistical tools. We had
    this magical ability to plan that on a scale that nobody else really
    could. It’s a gift that we have and we
    take it very much for granted.

    I think it’s going to come back to the fore. In
    terms of longer-term thinking, the societies that you described were all monarchies
    of one kind of another and in a democracy it’s harder to hold a vision for the
    longer term. You need to assign the role of vision holding to the institutions
    of your societies rather than to an individual like a king or a series of
    kings. The way you do that is you embed it in your educational system and in
    your religion. There are institutions that are foundational, that carry forward
    our values and priorities from generation to generation. And as long as these institutions keep teaching
    new generations you can hold the vision. Our education system, our
    media, and to a very large extent our religious institutions, have a big role
    to play here in holding that vision for as long as it’s going to take, which is
    the rest of this century.   

     

    Mary: Let me
    stick with this topic for a second. On the question of how does broad cultural
    change usually happen, Sara, who and what are the reliable agents for this kind
    of change? You mentioned religious and educational institutions. Is it ever business? In this SEC instance, could the corporate
    community actually be a leader in this cultural shift toward a more strategic
    long-term approach?

    Sara: They’re not
    a leader, but they’re an important follower. Change usually happens on a lot of
    levels at once, but it always starts with a fundamental shift in our assumptions
    and our visions about how the world should work. So the first thing, you have
    to change the world, change the story. Most of us are aware that our
    foundational assumptions about economics don’t work anymore, and
    we’re actively looking for new paradigms. So, for the last 20 years, our documented
    storytellers in religion, media and education, have been telling us that we
    need to change our views around this, meaning our priorities around climate
    change. And this is why 70% of us now get it; most of us are on board. But
    that’s the talking stage; doing is harder, and doing only really happens when
    you get business and government involved in actively taking these new values
    and basing their decisionmaking process on them. I think that’s what we’re
    seeing now. It’is that inflection point where business and government begin to get
    on the side of change and that’s when we really start to see those changes
    taking place on the ground.

    Mary: Kristen,
    let’s say that in the wake of this SEC ruling, American corporations stand up
    and embrace climate-change related planning in a big way. What can we expect
    the U.S. to look like in say, 30 or 50 years? What businesses will
    dominate? Which will decline or disappear? Can you read the tea leaves a little
    on that?

    Kristen: Well,
    it’s hard to say for sure. One of the challenges all along in thinking about
    the post-fossil fuel economy is that fossil fuels provided such a quick and
    easy and cheap energy source and there’s likely not going to be a single silver
    bullet that comes along and replaces that. So we’re going to have an energy
    system based on massive advances in energy-efficiency, as well as
    different renewables—geothermal, solar, wind, etc. So
    we’re likely to see a mixed of different energy sources and we may see a more
    decentralized, more community-based energy production.

    When you think about what’s actually going to have to happen in the U.S.
    economy, say by the year 2050, to really get us on track for making a dent in
    the climate problem, for doing what the scientists say we have to do to
    minimize the worst risks from climate change, we’re looking at some pretty
    significant transformations. By 2050, we need a minimum of 80% reduction in our
    greenhouse gasses, and to achieve that we’re either going to have to convert
    most of our energy system over to a mix of different renewables, or make some
    really quick advances in carbon capture and storage by the midpoint of the next
    century. We’re going to be investing in reforestation and prevention of deforestation.
    Our companies are going to have to take a leadership role in both developing
    the new technologies, but then also exporting and sharing the technologies for
    renewable energy production with the developing world. These are huge changes
    that have to take place in a relatively short period of time. But the good news
    on the climate front is that it’s economically and technically
    possible. What we really need is the political will and the public will to do
    it at this point.

    Sara: And if I
    could add something here, one of the great things here about this ruling is
    that it should, in the long-run, make our businesses stronger and more
    innovative. Whenever we step outside of our usual assumptions to look for new
    risks and threats, we also very often notice the new opportunities that we
    would have never seen if we hadn’t been pushed out there. So by forcing
    businesses to get real about their risk exposure, we’re also pushing them to where they’ll be able to see and position themselves for new opportunities
    as well. So this is a competitiveness issue and investors hopefully reward
    that.

    Mary: Sara, when
    you talked before about how we’ve done this before when America geared up for World
    War II, for instance, with phenomenal results. Did that experience in World War II translate into
    a planning culture, post-World War II? And again, how did we lose that ability?

    Sara: We’d always been good at planning, but
    World War II forced us to get good, fast. And what you found was, throughout
    the military, from the highest general down to the supply clerk, everybody had
    to learn to think strategically, three-steps ahead. ‘What am I gong to need
    down the road?’ All of America went through this process, and when the boys
    came home, these same skills got applied into creating post-war America. You
    saw this in the way wives ran their households, and in the way bureaucrats ran city
    governments. Suddenly, you had these planning departments, at the county
    level mostly, that were planning out 10, 20 years. What schools are we
    going to need? Where are we going to get our water? What kind of roads are we
    going to need? People were thinking ahead.

    The G.I. generation was amazing at
    that. It’s what enabled them to put a man on the moon. Just sticking it out there, as
    JFK did in 1960, and saying ‘we’re going to do this in ten years,’ with
    technologies that didn’t even exist at the time. He said, ‘we’re going to put a marker out
    and in 10  years we’re going to do this.’ And there was a tremendous confidence
    in their own ability to hit that mark.

    That was our parents and grandparents. It’s still in us. It’s still there in our culture. We’ve gotten away from it because we’ve been living
    off the fat of the prosperity that all that planning created. So we’ve had a wide
    margin for error. If we get something wrong, it’s not that big a deal; the
    consequences aren’t that severe.

    Buit we’re at a point now where Gallup is
    telling us the number one concern of American families is paying off debt and
    saving for the future. Families are starting to hunker down and come back
    together and get serious because we don’t have that margin for error anymore.
    The consequences for failure are high and getting higher. We have proven in
    the past that we can focus wonderfully well under those circumstances, and I
    have faith that we can do it again.

    Mary: We only
    have a few minutes left, so I’d quickly like to hear from all of you on this
    last question. When
    historians look back, in, let’s say, 50 years on how significant this January
    SEC ruling is in terms of addressing climate change and sustainability, are
    they going to say it was “no big deal” or that as Sarah pointed out,
    it was “an inflection point?” Kristen?

    Kristen: History books will look at this period of time
    in our history as one of momentous social change. And with most social change,
    when you’re in the middle of it, it’s sometimes hard to see how much of it is
    actually going on around you. But I think when we look back 50 years from now
    we’ll see this as the period of time when we finally
    righted the ship.

    Mary: Julie?

    Julie: Fifty years from now, we’re either going to have 600 parts per million
    carbon in the atmosphere or we’re going to have 300 ppm or so. If we’re in the
    latter condition, that is, if we do manage to curtail our emissions and curb this
    problem, then yes, I do think we’ll look back on [the SEC ruling] as one of the things that
    caused the inflection point. This was the decade during which investors,
    governments, citizens really started getting it, and really started
    changing their behavior as a result. If [that doesn;t occur], then we’re going to look back
    on this period of time and say “oh shit”—or add the epithet of your choice—we should have
    seen it coming, we should have done something, this wasn’t enough.”

    Mary: Sarah, as the futurist I’ll give you the last word. The SEC’s ruling in January: big deal or tiny blip on the radar screen?

    Sarah: The SEC ruling is one piece of a larger shift that’s happening. As I said, it’s an inflection
    point where we’re moving from talking to doing, and the doing is starting to
    happen very quickly. I think over the next 10-20 years, as the money flow
    shifts, and the way we think about it really begins to shift in terms of policy
    and the larger decisions we make as a culture, we’re going to be
    surprised at how much progress finally gets made. It seems so slow until now. But we’re really hitting that point. It’s really going to move.
    And Julie is absolutely right. Looking back 50 years there are really only
    two scenarios: one is that we responded correctly and got it right. The other is that we didn’t
    and the results will be really quite awful.

    Mary: And we’ll have to leave it
    at that. Thank you to our panelists: Julie Gorte, Kristen Sheeran, and Sara
    Robinson. Thanks also to our listeners for tuning in. This program was produced in conjunction with The Climate Desk, a journalistic collaboration dedicated to exploring the impact of a changing climate.

    Related Links:

    Will an SEC ruling convert short-term greed into long-term sustainability? [UPDATED WITH TRANSCRIPT]

    How Dirty Are We Willing to Get?

    Can federal courts help tackle global warming?






  • Foreign Policy mag spotlights ‘peak phosphorous’

    by Tom Philpott

    Where your food comes from: a phosphate mine in Florida run by the fertilizer giant Mosaic. Mosaic is two-thirds owned by Cargill, the globe’s largest agribusiness company, with interests in meat, feed, biofuels, and more. Photo: Susan Dracket, via FlickrAs Grist’s recent special series showed, our reliance on synthetic nitrogen fertilizer has serious ecological, geopolitical, public-health, and agricultural consequences.

    Yet N isn’t our only fertilizer problem. To grow robustly, plants need sufficient access to three key macronutrients: N,P, and K, or nitrogen, phosphorous, and potassium.

    In non-industrial and organic farming systems, recycling these nutrients is a paramount task. Think compost, which harvests the nutrients in plant waste and returns them to the soil—along with a nice dash of soil-building organic matter. In industrial ag, the idea is to introduce huge new amounts of isolated NPK every growing season.

    One main problem with N, of course, is that isolating it in a form plants can use is incredibly energy intensive. Here in the United States, the globe’s most voracious per-capita user of N, we rely on natural gas as our main fuel for N production—even though natural gas is increasingly scarce and harvesting it is increasingly ecologically devastating. (In China, the world’s largest overall user of N, they rely mainly on coal for N production: a chilling fact to consider.)

    While N production consumes massive amounts of fossil energy, the other two main fertilizer elements, phosphorous and potassium, are literally mined. Thus, like our transportation system, our food system depends on finite resources.

    Think about that next time you hear someone call ethanol made from industrial corn—far and away our biggest gulper of N, P, and K—a “renewable fuel.” It’s also worth remembering when some industry hack or USDA chieftain insists that industrial agriculture is the only way to “feed the world.” “Oh, yeah?” you should reply; “for how long?”

    From what I can tell, potassium—known as potash in its fertilizer form—isn’t in short supply. (It should be noted, however, that when fertilizer prices spiked in 2008, industrial-ag powerhouse Brazil was considering cutting through “environmental red tape” to mine potassium under the Amazon rainforest.)

    Unfortunately, though, phosphorous is in short supply, as recent articles in Foreign Policy and Der Spiegel make clear.

    Here’s Foreign Policy:

    By 2008, industrial farmers were applying an annual 17 million metric tons of mined phosphorus on their fields. Demand is expanding at around 3 percent a year—a rate that is likely to accelerate due to rising prosperity in the developing world (richer people consume more meat) and the burgeoning bioenergy sector, which also requires phosphorus to support crop-based biofuels.

    But there’s a problem….

    Our supply of mined phosphorus is running out. Many mines used to meet this growing demand are degrading, as they are increasingly forced to access deeper layers and extract a lower quality of phosphate-bearing rock (phosphate is the chemical form in which nearly all phosphorus is found). Some initial analyses from scientists with the Global Phosphorus Research Initiative estimate that there will not be sufficient phosphorus supplies from mining to meet agricultural demand within 30 to 40 years.

    Moreover, like oil, mine-friendly phosphate rock is geographically concentrated—indeed, even more so than petroleum.

    Nearly 90 percent of the world’s estimated phosphorus reserves are found in five countries: Morocco, China, South Africa, Jordan, and the United States. In comparison, the 12 countries that make up the OPEC cartel control only 75 percent of the world’s oil reserves.

    Already, geopolitical tensions are rising. Morocco is the site of 37 percent of the globe’s known phosphate rock reserves. Not a great situation, FP observes:

    Many of Morocco’s phosphate mines are in Western Sahara, a disputed independent territory that is occupied by Morocco and the site of growing international human rights concerns. Reflecting these concerns, U.N.-sanctioned export restrictions on phosphate and other resources are now in place, though the efficacy of the bans is incomplete.

    During the global food crisis in 2008, China—which also has large phosphate reserves—banned exports of the key fertilizer ingredient. As phosphorous prices rise and supplies tighten, you can expect nations with reserves to impose high prices—or even, as China did, hoard supplies.

    One additional problem that neither Foreign Policy or Der Spiegel mention: phosphorous mining, at least in Florida, is an ecologically devastating process that leaves behind, um …  radioactive waste. I wrote a post  on this very topic back in 2008. Get this:

    For every ton of raw fertilizer produced, the industry generates five tons of phosphogypsum, a radioactive material the U.S. Environmental Agency considers hazardous waste. With limited options available, the phosphate industry is storing more than a billion tons of phosphogypsum in stacks that tower up to 200 feet high—a problem that grows by 30 million tons every year.

    You really should read that post. It’s all about the environmental nightmare of phosphate mining; and the EPA’s sad inability to enforce even its own lax standards around it. There’s some good ol’ fashioned political cronyism in there, too. And a huge Cargill angle!

    So what to do? Of course, I would call for a shift to organic farming—organized efforts to conserve and recycle nutrients through composting programs. Subsidies could be reconfigured to reward farmers for reducing fertilizer use (they are now rewarded for gross output—giving them incentive to overapply fertilizer to maximize yields); municipalities and regions could ramp up composting programs and find efficient ways to get that compost back to farms.

    And potentially, the toxicity problems with human waste could be resolved; and the vast amount of valuable nutrients now flushed into sewers could be returned to fields. Right now, our phosphorous- and nitrogen-rich waste is mixed with all manner of industrial effluent and turned into a vile substance called “sludge” (or, to use the industry’s preferred phrase, “biosolids”). But if it could be kept separate from industrial waste and composted in a way that truly takes care of pathogens and other nasties, it could become an excellent resource. As the 19th century French novelist Victor Hugo memorably put it (lifted from the Der Spiegel piece), “There is no guano comparable in fertility to the detritus of a capital.”

    Well, I don’t make policy—I just comment on it. Policymakers have of course not grappled much with the fertilizer problem. Der Spiegel points to a pilot project in Austria, operating on the site of an underused fertilizer plant near a now-depleted phosphorous mine. (Europe, it should be noted, imports nearly 100 percent of its phosphorous. Thus the rigors of “peak phosphorous” already haunt the Continent.) Someone has had the idea of refining sewage sludge from Vienna to extract its phosphorous.

    When it is delivered to the pilot plant, the sewage sludge ash is unfit for use as a fertilizer, because it contains excessively high levels of heavy metals like cadmium. As gears groan and conveyor belts squeak, the ash, combined with chemical additives, is moved into a rotary kiln, where a hissing natural gas flame heats it to 1,000 degrees Celsius (1,832 degrees Fahrenheit). After half an hour in the rotary kiln, the ash, which has now passed through two purification steps, has a phosphate content of about 16 percent. It is then enriched with other plant nutrients, like potassium and nitrogen, to yield the final product: urban fertilizer. [Emphasis mine.]

    Ah, another fossil-fuel (and chemical-) intensive process. Moving toward a food system that recycles nutrients—honoring what the organic-farming pioneer Sir Albert Howard called the “law of return”—will be difficult. But finding industrial means that truly solve our fertilizer problem may prove more vexing still.

     

    Related Links:

    EPA intern offends sensitive meat-industry souls

    Michigan woman faces down meat industry, wins [VIDEO]

    Ask Umbra interviews Dirt! The Movie director Bill Benenson






  • Workers found safe, but Gulf oil rig in danger of tipping

    by Jonathan Hiskes

    The Deepwater Horizon rig, pre-explosion and pre-tipping.Photo: TransoceanReuters is reporting that
    the 11 workers missing after an explosion on a Gulf Coast oil rig have been
    found safe.

    An explosion on a drilling rig 50 miles off the Louisiana
    coast late Tuesday night forced the evacuation of more than 100 workers and left
    the whereabouts of 11 in question. Seven others were critically injured and
    taken to hospitals, the New York Times reports.

    But the 396-by-256-foot rig is “leaning badly” and in danger
    of tipping over, according to a local parish official. That can’t be good for a
    marine ecosystem, even one accustomed to drilling, spills, and all manner of
    heavy industry.

    This comes within weeks of:

    The awful coal-mine
    explosion
    that killed 29 men under the criminal safety record of Massey
    Energy CEO Don
    Blankenship
    .
    The crash
    of a coal freighter
    into the fragile Great Barrier Reef as it tried to take
    a shortcut from Australian mines to Chinese furnaces.
    The Tesoro oil refinery explosion that killed five workers in Washington state.

    The spillage
    of 18,000 gallons of crude oil
    from a Chevron into a canal in the Delta
    National Wildlife Refuge, also in Louisiana.

    All in all, it’s been a pretty terrible month for fossil-fuel industry
    workers, defenders of the energy status quo, and organisms unlucky enough to
    live near coal, oil, or their shipping routes.

    This isn’t to say accidents can’t happen within the clean-energy
    industry—installing offshore wind farms must have its own risks, though they
    lack the combustible materials of a drilling rig. The point is that these human
    welfare costs should absolutely inform our national energy project. All the more reason to move to safer sources.

     

    Related Links:

    Bolivia’s Morales slams capitalist debt to global warming

    Brazil awards dam contract despite environmental protests

    Each party has a clean-energy plan in U.K. election






  • Coked-out Coca-Colla [sic]

    by Jen Harper

    High-fructose corn syrup in soda? Bad. Cocaine in soda? Depends
    on whom you ask. We all know Coca-Cola used to contain trace amounts of the
    narcotic back in the day, but, according to the UK
    Guardian
    via Fast
    Company
    , Bolivia’s kicking it old school with its coca-leaf containing soda,
    Coca-Colla (note the second L—I smell copyright infringement; it’s also black,
    sweet, and comes in a red-labeled bottle). Bolivia had previously tried to ban
    the production of the coca leaf—the raw ingredient of cocaine—but now that coca
    grower Evo Morales is president, the government is singing a different tune. And
    I’m guessing it’s a tune that sounds a little something like this:

    ——————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————-

    Like what you see? Sign up to receive The Grist List, our email roundup of pun-usual green news just like this, sent out every Friday.

    Related Links:

    Bolivia’s Morales slams capitalist debt to global warming

    Power your house with poop

    The “people’s climate conference” in Bolivia kicks off with ambitious aims






  • Duke seeks approval for expensive coal

    by Sean Casten

    More breaking news from the Coal Isn’t Cheap department.

    Duke Energy reports that the new 620 MW coal plant they are building in Indiana is now expected to cost $2.9 billion, or 23 percent more than they last estimated in November.

    It’s worth always taking the time to do some math whenever these type of numbers get released. No one has invested in new coal assets of any significance in the U.S. in nearly 2 decades, for the simple reason that a coal plant is a lousy investment. Meanwhile, every new coal plant that has been proposed or commenced construction in recent years has proved the lousy investment theory wrong. They’re actually really, really, really lousy investments. And getting lousier.

    The math:

    $2.9 billion / 620 MW = $4,700/kW. 

    They say that the plant will release 4 milllion tons of CO2/year. Given a CO2 emissions rate from a coal plant of about 1 ton/MWh, that implies generation of 4 million MWh/yr, or a 73 percent annual capacity factor on the 620 MW nameplate. That puts the coal plant just about at the capacity factor of the average U.S. fleet, which makes sense.

    Now let’s look at what that means for economics:

    Capital recovery: Let’s stipulate that Duke’s investors demand a 10 percent return on their investment, and are willing to wait 20 years to get their money back with interest. That’s pretty generous, but not atypical for utility economics. That means that annually, the plant has to generate $341 million dollars after paying fuel and operating costs to recover its capital. At 4 million MWh/yr, that implies that they’ll need to get $85/MWh just to cover their capital costs.
    Fuel costs: Let’s assume this plant will operate at 40 percent fuel efficiency. Coal delivered to utilities has averaged $30 – 40/ton in recent years. At ~25 MMBtu/ton, that implies an average fuel cost of $1.40/MMBtu. Let’s assume no upward price pressure on coal over the next 20 years and no added costs associated with CO2 compliance to be as generous as possible to our economics. That works out to a cost of $1.40/40 percent x 3.413 = $12/MWh just to repay their fuel costs.
    Non-fuel operating costs: There are additional plant costs associated with labor, fuel and ash handling, insurance, etc. In a coal plant, these costs typically add up to $10 – 20/MWh. Consistent with the prior, let’s take the most generous end of that range and add on another $10/MWh.
    Delivery costs: Paying for the fuel, labor, and capital recovery is sufficient to get power to the generator terminals, but still doesn’t get it into anyone’s home or business. For that, we need additional revenue to cover capital recovery for the transmission and distribution infrastructure, line losses and various grid management fees. These costs typicaly add another $25 – 40/MWh onto the price of delivered electricity. Again, let’s take the most generous end of that range at $25/MWh.

    This then gives us an all-in, delivered cost of $85 + $12 + $10 + $25 = $132/MWh for the power from this facility. Take a more conservative approach with respect to fuel, CO2, operating costs and another cost-overrun or two and these calculations could break $200/MWh.

    Let’s put that in context: In 2009, the average price paid for power by all U.S. consumers was $98.90/MWh. In Indiana, the average price paid was $71.90/MWh. So in order for this plant to deliver a (very modest) return on invested capital, it has to earn a price that is nearly double the current rate paid by Indiana consumers.

    Tell me again why we’re building coal? Tell me again why coal is cheap? 

    Related Links:

    Perpetuating the myth that climate policy is all cost

    Good news for Earth Day: We can reduce climate pollution and boost the economy, all at once

    Reclaiming Earth Day






  • Let’s set the record straight

    by Senator Bernie Sanders

    As we celebrate the 40th anniversary of Earth Day the most serious environmental problem that we face is not global warming or the pollution of our air, water, land and food.  It is whether or not our country moves forward in developing public policy based on science or whether we make decisions based on politics and fear mongering.

    When Americans walk into a doctor’s office to get treated, they usually don’t worry whether the physician’s politics is progressive or conservative, Democrat or Republican.  They want to know that the doctor they are seeing has been well trained in a scientifically-accredited institution. They want to know that their treatment is based on the latest and most effective peer-reviewed methodology.

    When our highly-trained NASA scientists and engineers work on the exploration of Mars, nobody I know in Congress challenges their credibility or honesty as they study and draw conclusions about that planet’s surface and origin.  That is also true with the work of our scientists at the National Institutes of Health, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration and other governmental research agencies.

    Yet when it comes to global warming the situation is very different.  Here, radio and TV entertainers such as Rush Limbaugh, Glenn Beck and a host of others in the right-wing echo chamber, with no scientific training in climate science, are spouting off to tens of millions of people every day about a subject they know little about.

    Let’s set the record straight. There is no serious dispute within the scientific community and in peer-reviewed journals that global warming is real and that it is significantly caused by anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions.  Virtually the only people who disagree with this conclusion are representatives of the oil and coal companies, their apologists in the media and those on Capitol Hill who are stubborn defenders of their big polluter patrons.

    As Congress debates global warming, it reminds me of those congressional hearings where tobacco company executives swore under oath that the nicotine they put in cigarettes was not addictive. Some people in Congress believed them. Despite overwhelming scientific evidence, the wealthy and powerful tobacco lobby had many allies in Congress toeing the company line.

    Like the evidence that tobacco kills, the science on global warming is overwhelming. NASA just reported that the decade from 2000-2009 was the warmest on record.  Carbon dioxide levels are increasing because we are burning fossil fuels and cutting down forests at a rate that is unsustainable. How do we know that carbon dioxide pollution causes global warming? Among the researchers who reached that conclusion are scientists at NASA, EPA, The National Science Foundation, and the departments of Energy, Commerce, Defense, Interior, State, Health, Transportation, and Agriculture. They say, through the U.S. Global Change Research Program, that “global warming is unequivocal and primarily human-induced.” The CIA and many military leaders have warned that climate change threatens our national security and international stability.

    If anything, we have underestimated the problem. Our own National Academies of Science released findings last year that “climate change is happening even faster than previously estimated” and “the need for urgent action to address climate change is now indisputable.”  U.S. average temperatures have already increased by 2 degrees Fahrenheit in the last 50 years, and a Massachusetts Institute of Technology report found a very high probability that unless we act now temperatures could rise by 9 degrees Fahrenheit by the end of this century. That would be catastrophic.

    We already have seen sea levels rise by as much as nine inches in some areas. As ice sheets and glaciers continue to melt, rising sea levels will put coastal cities at risk of increased flooding and island nations in danger of being submerged. Our top U.S. scientists tell us that unchecked global warming also means increased risks of regional flooding and drought, increased risk to human health and more extreme weather events.

    Despite the scientific evidence, some of my colleagues in Congress still tell the public that global warming is a “hoax.” They recently grasped onto a series of stolen e-mails from a few climate scientists, which they say undermines the science. Well, according to exhaustive reviews throughout the world, the e-mails do no such thing.

    The truth is that there is a real global warming scandal, but it has nothing to do with the e-mails of a few scientists. The real scandal is that the oil companies and the coal industry and others with an economic stake in the status quo are using the tobacco-industry playbook to confuse the public and prevent Congress from taking strong action. Exxon-Mobil, for example, has spent more than $24 million since 1998 to fund organizations that are willing to dispute the consensus on global warming.  Oil and gas companies spent $154 million lobbying Congress in 2009 alone trying to block legislation to move our county away from fossil fuels and toward sustainable energy.

    As we celebrate this Earth Day, we can make this the year when we stop arguing about the science, and start doing something truly significant about global warming. That would make 2010 a year to celebrate for generations to come.

    U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders, independent of Vermont, is chairman on the Senate Green Jobs and the New Economy Subcommittee.  He is the only member of the Senate majority caucus to sit on both the energy and environment committees.

    Related Links:

    Go green this Earth Day: Quit smoking

    Labor and environmentalists have been teaming up since the first Earth Day

    Ask Umbra’s pearls of wisdom on Earth Day parties






  • Clean energy jobs can be shipped overseas (and what to do about it)

    by Jesse Jenkins

    Politicians talking about clean energy jobs like to claim “they can’t be shipped overseas.” From President Obama’s State of the Union to Rep. Ed Markey stumping for the climate bill he co-authored with Rep. Henry Waxman, the promise of new “green jobs that pay well and can’t be outsourced” is an all too common refrain.

    The only problem with it is that it’s wrong on its face.

    America is already exporting clean energy jobs—or seeing them created abroad in the first place.  After pioneering wind and solar power, electric cars, and nuclear plants, America turned its back on the public investments in cutting edge technology that catalyzed these innovations, forfeiting cleantech industries to foreign countries who did not make the same mistakes.  The cap-and-trade program at the heart of the climate bill authored by Rep. Markey may help create more clean energy jobs overseas, but it won’t bring those jobs back to America.  Conventional responses to today’s competitiveness challenge won’t cut it.  Here’s what will …

    Most clean energy jobs can easily be shipped overseas (or created there in the first place)

    Unless our vision of a prosperous American clean energy economy revolves solely around jobs retrofitting homes to be a bit more efficient or installing (Asian and European built) solar and wind farms or high-speed trains, the reality is that the global cleantech sector is increasingly competitive, and the United States is already ceding thousands of jobs in clean energy manufacturing and innovation.

    According to one study from the Renewable Energy Policy Project, 70-75 percent of the total labor required for a typical wind turbine or solar panel is ‘upstream’ of the installation and maintenance—the only jobs that truly ‘can’t be outsourced’—mostly in manufacturing the various component parts.

    That’s bad news for the U.S., which now lags behind competitors in Asia (and Europe) in the production of virtual all clean energy technologies, from wind to nuclear power and from high-speed trains to plug-in hybrid cars and the advanced batteries that power them, as the Breakthrough Institute and ITIF‘s comprehensive report, “Rising Tigers, Sleeping Giant” documents.

    So forget the notion that clean energy jobs can’t be outsourced.  Recent research by the office of Senator Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) showed that in the last five years the U.S. trade deficit in renewable energy goods has ballooned by 1,400 percent to $5.7 billion in 2009.  Roughly 70 percent of the renewable energy systems and components installed in America are now manufactured by workers overseas, according to estimates from the Apollo Alliance.  And even the American Wind Energy Association, the industry’s trade group, concedes that about 50 percent of the components installed in American wind farms are manufactured abroad.

    Outsourcing clean energy innovation

    If things don’t change, cleantech scientists and researchers will be the next to follow the cleantech factory worker overseas.  Jobs in clean energy research, innovation, and new product development—traditional areas of U.S. leadership—are already on their way abroad as high tech giants and startups alike shift innovation activities to be close to vibrant clean energy manufacturing centers and markets overseas.

    Applied Materials, the leading producer of the equipment used to manufacturing solar cells, recently opened the world’s largest and most advanced solar energy R&D center in Xi’an, China, creating hundreds of high-tech jobs there and shipping out their Chief Technology Officer and Silicon Valley luminary, Mark Pinto, to oversee the project.  IBM recently announced a $40 million investment in a new “energy and utility solutions” lab in China that will perform cutting edge work on smart grid and other clean technologies.  And U.S. technology powerhouse GE is putting their Chinese research centers in the lead developing new clean tech products like wind turbines and power control electronics.

    In the realm of startups, the United States still leads in total venture capital (VC) investments in cleantech, according to research from the CleanTech Group, which closely monitors the sector.  But the North American share of VC funding fell from 72 percent in 2008 to 62 percent in 2009, a four-year low for the region, with North American cleantech startups raising $3.5 billion in VC funding that year, down 42 percent from 2008.  It was Chinese firms that dominated initial public offerings (IPOs) in cleantech sectors, however, with 17 Chinese companies securing $3.4 billion, or 72 percent of global IPO proceeds in 2009.

    Competing for clean energy industries: what works (and what won’t)

    So the fact is, not only can clean energy jobs be shipped overseas, they already are—or are being created abroad to begin with.

    That’s why it’s concerning (to say the least) to see this kind of rhetoric about ‘green jobs that can’t be outsourced’ proliferate.  If American politicians are serious about creating clean energy jobs in the United States—the kind of high tech and manufacturing jobs that are central to both a vibrant American middle class and a prosperous national economy—they need to focus on developing and enacting a robust and comprehensive clean energy competitiveness strategy.  It’s time to explicitly recognize that American clean energy jobs, like any other high tech or manufacturing-based sector, need to be proactively created and retained.

    The problem, however, has been that insofar as our nation’s politicians and pundits have even acknowledged America’s clean energy competitiveness challenges, they have, with a few exceptions, responded with conventional thinking, calling for carbon prices or tariffs or protectionist measures that will do little to restore America’s competitiveness or create hundreds of thousands of U.S. clean energy jobs.

    A carbon price could certainly help create demand for cleantech products, but at the levels considered by Congress, such demand would be modest.  More to the point: that demand could easily be satisfied by continuing to import foreign-built clean technologies, so we can’t count on carbon prices or cap and trade to bring clean energy jobs back to America.  In the end, carbon prices are absent from China, Japan or South Korea’s effective clean energy competitiveness and jobs strategies.  Why do we think carbon prices will be central to ours?

    Carbon border tariffs or protectionist ‘Buy American’ provisions may also help somewhat, but each treats the symptoms, not the causes of America’s lagging competitive position in clean energy markets. 

    Instead, what the United States needs to build a competitive clean energy sector capable of supporting hundreds of thousands of good-paying jobs across the clean energy value chain is a comprehensive set of sustained public investments in cleantech research and innovation, education and workforce training, advanced manufacturing, and market creation (more on that strategy here).

    This is how America has always sparked the innovation and high-value manufacturing that creates long-term jobs and built enduring industries that have formed the foundation for generations of economic prosperity. The primary reason the United States led in aerospace, communications technology, information technology, computing and the major new energy technologies of the later 20th century (gas turbines, nuclear, wind, and solar power) is because the U.S. government made a series of smart investments on the cutting edge of each of these technology fields to catalyze entrepreneurship and innovation.

    We love to valorize private sector entrepreneurs, and it is true that the private sector is where much of this innovation ultimately happens. But we simply do not see entire new high-tech sectors emerge without the kind of direct, proactive, and comprehensive suite of investments in innovation, education, infrastructure, manufacturing, and market creation that led to each of the 20th century U.S. technology booms mentioned above.

    We don’t see the Silicon Valley high tech boom of the late 1990s without the more than three decades of government investments in the region’s communications technology, IT and computing sectors that preceded that heyday of private sector entrepreneurship.  We don’t become world leaders in commercial aviation or aerospace technologies unless the U.S. government takes the lead in procuring and improving jet engines or fully commits itself to the Space Race.

    The irony is that while so many in our class of political ‘elites’ seem to have forgotten the real history of American technology leadership, policymakers in China, Japan, South Korea, Germany, Denmark etc. have all taken these lessons to heart.

    The simple fact is, smart public investments at the leading edge of emerging technology sectors is how new industries are born and how the U.S. stays competitive.  If American policymakers want to create and retain new clean energy jobs and industries, and aren’t satisfied with simply ‘capturing’ the 25-30 percent of the value chain involved in retrofits, installations and maintenance, then we cannot afford to ignore this history any longer.

    Originally posted at the Breakthrough Institute

    See also:

    A Clean Energy Competitiveness Strategy for America
    Winning the Clean Energy Race: A New Strategy for American Leadership
    Rising Tigers, Sleeping Giant: Report Overview

    Related Links:

    This Earth Day we need more than a celebration, we need a clean energy revolution

    A Clean Energy Competitiveness Strategy for America

    Focus the nation on jobs and the clean energy race






  • Labor and environmentalists have been teaming up since the first Earth Day

    by Joe Uehlein

    The approach of the 40th anniversary of Earth Day on April
    22 provides us an opportunity to reflect on the “long, strange trip” shared by
    the environmental movement and the labor movement over four decades here on
    Spaceship Earth.

    A billion people participate in Earth Day events, making it
    the largest secular civic event in the world. But when it was founded in 1970, according to Earth Day’s first national
    coordinator Denis Hayes,
    “Without the UAW, the first Earth Day would have likely flopped!”

    Less than a week after he first announced the idea for Earth
    Day, Sen. Gaylord Nelson of Wisconsin
    presented his proposal to the Industrial Union Department of the AFL-CIO. Walter Reuther, president of the UAW,
    enthusiastically donated $2,000 to help kick the effort off—to be followed
    by much more.  Hayes recalls, “The
    UAW was by far the largest contributor to the first Earth Day, and its support
    went beyond the merely financial. It
    printed and mailed all our materials at its expense—even those critical of
    pollution-belching cars. Its organizers
    turned out workers in every city where it has a presence. And, of course, Walter then endorsed the
    Clear Air Act that the Big Four were doing their damnedest to kill or
    gut.”

    Some people may be surprised to learn that a labor union
    played such a significant role in the emergence of the modern environmental
    movement.  When they think of organized
    labor, they think of things like support for coal and nuclear power plants and
    opposition to auto emissions standards.

    When it comes to the environment, organized labor has two
    hearts beating within a single breast. On the one hand, the millions of union members are people and citizens
    like everybody else, threatened by air pollution and water pollution and the
    devastating consequences of climate change. On the other hand, unions are responsible for protecting the jobs of
    their members, and efforts to protect the environment sometimes may threaten
    workers’ jobs. First as a working-class
    kid and then as a labor official, I’ve been dealing with the two sides of this
    question my whole life.

    I was raised in Cleveland. It was a union town, and both my parents
    were trade unionists. We were going to
    the union hall all the time; that’s where the picnics and social functions and
    concerts happened.

    At the same time, we kids were swimming in Lake
    Erie, and I watched them post the signs saying, “Don’t swim in the
    lake.” We were catching 50 to 100 perch
    every weekend and eating them until they posted the signs, “Don’t eat the
    perch.”

    So we experienced this switch from where the smoke coming
    out of the steel mill chimneys meant bread on the table to a realization that
    we were messing up the lake that we loved and enjoyed.

    I was there when the Cuyahoga River caught
    fire, and that was an alarming wakeup call. The burning river and the dying lake led the first Earth Day in Cleveland to be a
    monumental event. According to the Encyclopedia of Cleveland
    History
    , an estimated 500,000 elementary, junior-high, high-school, and
    college students took part in campus teach-ins, litter cleanups, and tree
    plantings. More than 1,000 Cleveland State
    University students and faculty staged
    a “death march” from the campus to the banks of the Cuyahoga River.  The headline in the Cleveland Press read, “Hippies and Housewives Unite to Protest
    What Man is Doing to Earth.”

    After high school, I went to work in central Pennsylvania in an aluminum mill, and when the mill was
    flooded out by Hurricane Agnes, I got a job doing flood cleanup at Three Mile Island,
    which was under construction at the time, and joined the laborers union. That really got me involved in the labor
    movement. At 19 or 20, I became a
    full-time shop steward on safety and health issues. 

    The environmental movement was protesting the construction
    of the power plant.

    My local union had a bumper sticker that said, “Hungry and
    out of work? Eat an
    environmentalist!” I objected, and I
    went to the local and said, “You know, they’re not really our
    enemies. They’re protesting the
    construction of this power plant because it wasn’t built to withstand the
    impact of a Boeing 707. And the
    airport’s right there. So it kind of
    makes sense, doesn’t it?”

    I’ve been making the same kind of argument ever since.

    That long, strange
    trip

    In the 1980s, the same Industrial Union Department that had
    helped start Earth Day initiated perhaps the first labor-environmental
    coalition, called the OSHA Environmental Network. I was appointed its field director. We had active coalitions in 22 states with
    the Sierra Club and Friends of the Earth and IUD member unions. At first, labor’s “job-protection heart” came
    to the fore: The United Mineworkers Union was afraid that the alliance might
    encourage limits on the high-sulfur coal that caused acid rain, thereby
    threatening some miners’ jobs; it insisted that our environmental network be
    shut down. Later, encouraged by labor’s
    other “heart” in the form of unions that supported sulfur reduction, the
    Mineworkers negotiated an acid-rain compromise agreement with Sen. George Mitchell
    of Maine.

    When the U.N. Commission on Global Warming formed, I served
    as a representative of the IUD. Before
    every meeting that I went to, I would be lobbied strongly by the Mineworkers
    and the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers on the one side to kill
    what would become the Kyoto Treaty, and then on the other side by the
    Steelworkers who wanted to see the treaty enacted. In 1997 the AFL-CIO blasted the treaty and
    sent a high-level representative to Kyoto
    to oppose it. So I resigned from the
    commission. 

    I took on the assignment to organize labor’s role in the
    1999 protests against the WTO in Seattle. As we were organizing, AFL-CIO President John
    Sweeney came out to address the Washington
    state AFL-CIO convention. I had been
    planning 15,000 people as a goal for labor’s piece. John made his speech and he said 50,000
    people. As he came off the podium, I
    said, “John, it’s 15,000—15,000 is our goal.” And he turned to me and said, “Joe, it’s
    50,000 now.”

    We had more than 60,000 people on the streets, perhaps
    40,000 of them from labor. It was
    “Teamsters and turtles, together at last.” Stopping the WTO, and building the coalitions we built, was a culmination
    of all the things I believed in and all the things I had been working for. To me it represented the power we have when
    labor’s two hearts beat together—when we recognize that the real
    self-interest of workers and the labor movement is the same as the rest of the
    world’s: to fight for a sustainable
    future.

    Yesterday … and
    today

    Looking over the decades since the first Earth Day, what do
    we see about the relation between environmentalism and labor?

    Some things this Earth Day are radically different from the
    first Earth Day 40 years ago.

    The devastating threats resulting from climate change affect
    us not just as “citizens and consumers” but as workers. The impact of global warming on American
    workers and workplaces is laid out in a study by the Union of Concerned
    Scientists, “Climate
    Change in the United States: The Prohibitive Costs of Inaction
    .” After reviewing effects on flooding,
    hurricane intensity, tourism, public health, water scarcity, shipping, agriculture,
    energy, infrastructure, and wildfires, the study concludes, “If global
    warming emissions continue unabated, every region in the country will confront
    large costs from climate change in the form of damages to infrastructure,
    diminished public health, and threats to vital industries employing millions of
    Americans.”

    A study
    by the University of Maryland
    [PDF] adds, “the costs of climate change
    rapidly exceed benefits and place major strains on public sector budgets,
    personal income, and job security.”

    We are already seeing such costs in extreme weather events,
    drought-caused water crises, intensified forest fires, floods, and other costly
    catastrophes. Today American workers
    have a direct, personal, job-based reason to fight for climate protection.

    At the same time, the necessity for transforming our entire
    economy to a low-carbon basis provides the opportunity to create tens of
    millions of new “green jobs.” Such a
    reconstruction effort could rival World War II as a means for creating full
    employment and conditions favorable to worker power and organization.

    Both of labor’s “two hearts within a single breast” can be
    seen in its response to the danger and opportunity of the climate crisis. On the one hand, organized labor has been
    enthusiastic about the prospect for “green jobs” and has supported climate
    legislation that might help expand them. On the other hand, much of organized labor, including the AFL-CIO, has
    opposed implementing the binding targets for greenhouse-gas reduction that
    climate scientists say are necessary to reduce the effects of global warming.
    Such targets are crucial not only for climate protection, but because the
    millions of potential green jobs are unlikely to be created unless all
    decision-makers know that a major transformation of our economy to reduce
    greenhouse-gas emissions is in fact going to happen.

    Meanwhile, “environmentalism” is broadening into a movement
    that calls for social and economic as well as environmental
    sustainability. The Earth Day Network, which coordinates Earth
    Day worldwide, is committed to “expanding the definition of ‘environment’ to
    include all issues that affect our health, our communities and our environment,
    such as air and water pollution, climate change, green schools and
    environmental curriculum, access to green jobs, renewable energy, and a new
    green economy.” Such a sustainability
    movement is a natural ally for organized labor in its efforts to challenge an
    economy currently driven by corporate greed.

    Some things this Earth Day are the same as they were 40
    years ago.

    Workers are still human beings who face the same consequences
    of environmental destruction as everyone else.
    As Olga Madar, the first head of the UAW Conservation and Resource
    Development Department, put it back then, union members were “first and
    foremost American citizens and consumers” who “breathe the same air and drink
    and bathe in the same water” as their neighbors in other occupations.

    UAW President Walter Reuther, who wrote that first check
    supporting the first Earth Day, spelled out what that should mean for organized
    labor: “The labor movement is about that problem we face tomorrow morning.
    Damn right! But to make that the sole purpose of the labor movement is to miss
    the main target. I mean, what good is a dollar an hour more in wages if your
    neighborhood is burning down? What good is another week’s vacation if the lake
    you used to go to is polluted and you can’t swim in it and the kids can’t play
    in it? What good is another $100 in pension if the world goes up in atomic
    smoke?”

    Related Links:

    Ask Umbra’s pearls of wisdom on Earth Day parties

    Good news for Earth Day: We can reduce climate pollution and boost the economy, all at once

    Earth Day 2010






  • Bolivia’s Morales slams capitalist debt to global warming

    by Agence France-Presse

    Evo MoralesCOCHABAMBA, Bolivia—Bolivian President Evo Morales has rallied a “people’s conference” on climate change, calling for the death of careless capitalism so that the Earth can live.

    Environmental activists, indigenous leaders, and Hollywood celebrities are taking part in a three-day summit focusing on the world’s poorest, whom they say were largely ignored at official United Nations-sponsored climate talks in Copenhagen last December.

    “Either capitalism dies, or it will be Mother Earth,” leftist Morales warned a crowd of some 20,000 people. “We’re here because industrialized countries have not honored their promises.”

    The Copenhagen meeting was widely criticized for failing to produce a new treaty to limit greenhouse-gas emissions. Critics said the deal it produced would not avert a climate catastrophe.

    The “People’s World Conference on Climate Change and Mother Earth Rights” will draft new proposals for the next U.N. climate talks, to be held in Mexico at the end of the year.

    A U.N. representative in Bolivia struggled to make her voice heard over a chorus of booing on Tuesday. “We came with all respect to hear the people, you invited us to be here. If you don’t want us to be here, we can leave,” said Alicia Barcena, executive secretary of the U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon sought dialogue, inclusion, and transparency in the world climate debate, according to a message distributed by Barcena.

    The colorful assembly, dotted with Andean flags and ponchos, met in a small stadium surrounded by mountains in Tiquipaya, in the suburbs of Cochabamba.

    “We have a choice between two paths: one is a path of life, one is the path of destruction,” said participant Faith Gemmill, an ethnic Gwich’in of the Alaska inter-tribal council. She said indigenous people, who live on the land and close to the land, are disproportionately hard hit by climate change. “We are like the canaries in the mines, that the miners used to carry, so that if when they died the miners would be warned of the presence of toxic gas, and could rush out of the mine,” Gemmill said.

    Morales, of Aymara descent, said that the lifestyle of indigenous peoples, including their harmonious relationship with nature, should be “the only true alternative.”

    Morales sought to refine proposals he had presented in Copenhagen, including the creation of a world tribunal for climate issues and a global referendum on environmental choices.

    Developing nations have resisted a legally binding climate treaty, arguing that wealthy nations must bear the primary responsibility for climate change.

    This week’s gathering was expected to give a megaphone to a left-leaning bloc of Latin American leaders, including presidents Rafael Correa of Ecuador, Fernando Lugo of Paraguay, Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua, and Hugo Chavez of Venezuela.

    Nearly 130 countries, including many of the world’s poorest, were to be represented in Cochabamba.

    Anti-globalization activists Naomi Klein of Canada and Jose Bove of France were also on the guest list, while James Cameron, director of the blockbuster film “Avatar,” and U.S. actor Danny Glover were notable by their absence on Tuesday.

    The conference followed a preparatory meeting between representatives from the world’s leading economies in Washington ahead of the December U.N. summit in Cancun. The U.S.-led Major Economies Forum comprises 17 countries responsible for the bulk of global emissions and excludes smaller nations such as Sudan whose firebrand negotiators held up sessions at December’s Copenhagen summit.

    Related Links:

    Brazil awards dam contract despite environmental protests

    Each party has a clean-energy plan in U.K. election

    U.S. military shrinking its carbon ‘boot print’






  • Perpetuating the myth that climate policy is all cost

    by David Roberts

    A portfolio approach to climate change—a price on carbon coupled with a suite of complementary policies—can serve as a net economic boost. Put more simply: tackling climate change can help the economy. As I lamented yesterday, however, this fact tends to be obscured by the political establishment’s excess focus on carbon pricing alone.

    Part of the blame for this state of affairs lies with mainstream economics. You see, carbon pricing is relatively easy to model. A portfolio approach is not. So economists just … don’t. Nine times out of ten, when economists talk about the economic effects of climate policy, they’re just talking about the effects of carbon pricing. Problem is, carbon pricing without those complementary policies produces a hit to GDP growth, so economists end up providing ammunition for those who want to block climate legislation altogether.

    This week provided a crystal clear example of the dynamic at work. As The Hill reports, Rep. Chris Smith (R-N.J.) recently asked the Congressional Budget Office—the definitive authority on these matters—to estimate the year-to-year household impacts of the Waxman-Markey (ACES) climate/energy bill. passed by the House last summer. It’s pretty obvious what Smith is after: he wants a number he can use to bash climate legislation during the upcoming midterm elections.

    Now CBO chief Doug Elmendorf has written Smith back [PDF]. Using the CBO’s standard modeling, the agency determined that ACES will cost the average household $90 worth of purchasing power in 2012. By 2030, that figure rises to $550 a year, and by 2050, $930.

    Now, relative to the enormous growth in GDP and average household incomes these models assume, that amount of money is peanuts. (The program would shave 0.8 percent off GDP growth by 2050—by contrast, the recent financial crisis knocked off something like 5 percent in one fell swoop.) But still, Smith and the Republicans have gotten their ammo. “During the recession, with Americans hurting, the Democrats want to pass a bill that will hit every family squarely in the pocketbook, starting with $90 and rising every year!”

    Dems’ only response will be, “Hey, $90 isn’t that much!” That’s not exactly a political winner.

    But here’s the thing: the CBO is only modeling the cap-and-trade program in ACES—i.e., the carbon pricing system. What about the other two-thirds of the bill? There’s a whole efficiency title, which is quite strong (much stronger than the craptastic provisions in the Senate bill). There are electric car provisions, grid provisions, renewable energy provisions. These complementary policies serve to reduce per-capita energy use and stimulate innovation in clean industries; that is to say, they serve to drive down the cost of compliance with the cap.

    What would happen if these policies were integrated into the economic modeling used by the CBO? I suspect that the outcome would be much more favorable.

    Now, of course there’s a reason CBO doesn’t model the portfolio approach. It’s difficult to model how multiple policies interact. Economists are uncomfortable with that kind of uncertainty; they like statistical precision; they don’t like putting their professional credibility behind what amounts to a series of educated guesses. If you asked, Elmendorf would probably say that he is being up-front about what the CBO is doing and it’s up to policy makers what use they make of it.

    But I don’t buy that. The CBO is perpetuating the myth that climate policy is all cost—a myth that makes decent climate policy less likely. It’s contributing to the surreal atmosphere in which the entire media and political elite act like nothing but carbon pricing exists. Somebody’s got to take responsibility for that sorry state of affairs. Somebody’s got to change it. It’s not going to help to have climate campaigners (and DFH bloggers) protesting it. Nobody in the Village takes them seriously. Economists need to step up.

    Related Links:

    U.S. military shrinking its carbon ‘boot print’

    Raiding rainforest funds in climate legislation will turn cost projections into fantasy

    Good news for Earth Day: We can reduce climate pollution and boost the economy, all at once






  • Brazil awards dam contract despite environmental protests

    by Agence France-Presse

    BRASILIA—Brazil on Tuesday speedily awarded the tender for a controversial hydroelectric dam projected to be the world’s third-largest, despite fierce opposition from environmentalists.

    The government pushed ahead with the bidding process to begin construction of the giant Belo Monte dam after beating back a last-minute suspension order with a rushed appeal.

    The tender was awarded to Norte Energia, a consortium led by a subsidiary of the state electricity company Electrobras, after a series of court injunctions that had blocked and unblocked the auction process.

    Indigenous groups and environmental activists had earlier staged demonstrations decrying the dam as ecologically irresponsible and a threat to the livelihood of 12,000 families, most of them Brazilian Indians living on the banks of the Xingu River that would feed the facility.

    “We, the indigenous, demand justice and respect,” read one placard brandished by protesters in front of the National Electric Energy Agency in Brasilia, where the tender process was held.

    Around 500 activists with Greenpeace dumped three tons of manure in front of the building. “There are other possible energy sources, such as wind power, biomass, or solar,” a Greenpeace spokesperson said.

    Opponents of the construction said they would not be defeated by the awarding of the tender. “We will not be discouraged, we will continue to demonstrate,” said Renata Pinheiro of the Xingu Vivo movement.

    They said they planned to occupy some of the 500 square kilometers (193 square miles) of Amazon rainforest land that Greenpeace estimates would be flooded by the dam. The environmental group has said the construction would also divert some 100 kilometers (62 miles) of the Xingu River in an area that is home to between 20,000 to 30,000 families.

    The dam has become spectacularly controversial, with even “Avatar” director James Cameron and star Sigourney Weaver wading in recently to give their backing to opponents and drawing parallels with the natives-versus-exploiters storyline of their blockbuster Hollywood movie.

    The regional justice ministry in the state of Para tried to stall tenders for the $10-billion-plus Belo Monte project in a ruling, calling the dam “an affront to environmental laws.” It said too many questions remained over how the massive project would affect flora and fauna in the region, and what would become of the families who would have to be relocated.

    The government, though, appears determined to push through with the dam, calling it essential to its plan to boost energy production in Brazil, Latin America’s biggest economy, nearly three-fold over the next two decades.

    For construction costs of $11.2 billion, Belo Monte is expected to be able to produce 11,000 megawatts, which could supply 20 million homes with power. The dam would be the third-biggest in the world, after China’s Three Gorges facility and Brazil’s Itaipu dam in the south, and has been defended by some in the local population who hope to benefit from the estimated 18,000 direct jobs and 80,000 indirect jobs that the government says the project will create.

    Hydro-electric energy accounts for 73 percent of the energy produced by Brazil.

    Related Links:

    Bolivia’s Morales slams capitalist debt to global warming

    Each party has a clean-energy plan in U.K. election

    U.S. military shrinking its carbon ‘boot print’






  • Why it matters that the FDA Is beating USDA for control of food system

    by David Gumpert

    Small-scale food producers and farmers have been vocal about their concerns that the Senate will pass highly burdensome food-safety legislation.

    Equally worried, but much less vocal, is the U.S. Department of Agriculture. It frets over major gains by its arch-rival, the U.S. food and Drug Administration, over local food producers and small farms. USDA is so worried it has even had its Senate allies include language that “prohibited the FDA from ‘impeding, minimizing, or affecting’ USDA authority on meat, poultry, and eggs,” according to Andrew Kimbrell, executive director of the Center for Food Safety.

    The legislation, if it passes as expected (and is signed into law, as President Obama has already vowed to do), will represent a major coup for FDA, and in the process, a loss in influence for USDA. The bill wouldn’t so much take power from USDA as give FDA new power, and
    in the process providing FDA a leg up on its rival.

    USDA had for more than a decade pinned its hopes on gaining the upper hand in food safety through the National Animal Identification System (NAIS), but when that bombed earlier this year, FDA had a clear opportunity, which it has expertly exploited through the pending legislation.

    The FDA’s growing authority over the American food system will likely include the power to quarantine large sections of the country if it decides there’s a food safety emergency and to randomly inspect virtually all food producers, including roadside stands, and monitor and approve their preparation of detailed, and costly, hazard-control plans. Moreover, the legislation gives the FDA a new foothold among farmers via the authority establish safety standards (about use of compost, application of fertilizers, etc.) under the euphemistically titled United Nations program, “Good Agricultural Practices”.

    With power, of course, comes money—in this case, lots more money, for inspectors to carry out all those random inspections of thousands of tiny food producers.
    “We are seeking better controls at the point of production,” crowed FDA’s commissioner, Margaret Hamburg, in a February speech about food safety. One main “point of (food) production”—the farm—has of course been USDA’s turf.

    The FDA and USDA have long participated in an uneasy alliance overseeing the food supply, with confusing responsibilities (USDA oversees animal slaughtering, FDA oversees dairy production). The loss of influence for USDA that will come via the food safety legislation is merely the latest failure for USDA. A few months ago, it suffered a major setback when farmer ire forced Ag Secretary Tom Vilsack to trash, at least temporarily, its own version of a food safety program—the National Animal Identification System (NAIS). The program would have allowed the USDA to oversee the registration of hundreds of thousands of farms, and the RFID-chip tagging of literally billions of animals (including chickens, goats, sheep, cattle, and so forth)—ostensibly to protect America’s meat supply from the ravages of quickly-spreading animal disease.

    Why should anyone care about which bureaucratic behemoth comes out on top in this kind of rivalry?

    For one very good reason: For all its coddling of Big Ag, the USDA has shown itself to be increasingly supportive of the growing local-food movement in recent years, while the FDA has long been very tough on small food companies, and shows no sign of wanting to encourage the move to locally-grown food.

    And while Michael Taylor, the FDA’s food safety czar, talks in speeches about approving of “sustainable” food production, the agency’s actions toward those involved in promoting sustainable agriculture have long been the opposite. Any food company that even begins to suggest its food might provide health benefits becomes a target of the agency’s knee-jerk reaction that it is positioning food as a drug. Back in 2006, the FDA sent warning letters—threats of court action and possible shutdown—to 29 Michigan cherry growers, for citing studies suggesting health benefits in concentrated cherry juice.

    In 2008, FDA filed suit against a small seller of herbs, coconut oil and other health foods for allegedly making similar food-as-drug claims. To avoid legal bills that would have bankrupted it, Wilderness Family Naturals signed a consent decree with the FDA that allows the FDA to conduct twice yearly examinations over a three-year period of its labeling and advertising—that the company has to pay for to the turn of $100 an hour.

    When the FDA tried to impose the same kind of burden on Organic Pastures Dairy Co., a California producer of unpasteurized milk, as part of a settlement of an FDA suit for, in part, suggesting that raw milk helps alleviate symptoms of asthma (which has been demonstrated in large-scale European studies), the dairy fought back. Just a few weeks ago, a federal judge, Oliver Wanger, castigated the FDA lawyer arguing for the sanctions.

    In questioning the FDA’s lawyer, Judge Wanger referred to the inspection provision as a “death penalty” on OPDC. “I simply am not convinced that this draconian, if you will, remedial construct is in any way necessary. I don’t think the public is going to be jeopardized in any way by not having this, what I call the death penalty provision in here. This is taking Organic Pastures out without going to a magistrate and stringing them up and throwing a noose around its neck and hanging it until dead.”

    Meanwhile, USDA, long a proponent of Big Ag, has been steadily becoming more and more supportive of locally-grown food and smaller farms. Symbolically, Ag Secretary Vilsack has become a key proponent of the People’s Garden, a vegetable garden that grows outside the department’s huge Washington headquarters building. In dedicating the garden last year, Vilsack said, “It started off as a relatively small project and now it’s expanding rather dramatically and we think we’re going to get a lot of attention over the course of the next couple of years as this spreads.“The agency is also pushing a rule to encourage providers of school lunch programs to young children to use locally-grown food.

    It has backed up its trumpeted “Know Your Food, Know Your Farmer” campaign with hard dollars directed toward promoters of locally-grown food. In recent months, it has begun promoting a grant program to encourage farmers markets—$5 million will be awarded this year, and $10 million each in fiscal 2011 and 2012.

    “Farmers markets are an integral part of the urban/farm linkage and have continued to rise in popularity, mostly due to the growing consumer interest in obtaining fresh products directly from the farm,” USDA says on its web site.

    Certainly USDA, with more than 100,000 employees, can hardly be said to be marginalized. But if recent developments are an indication, the policy emphasis is on giving the federal government ever-greater control over America’s food system, down to the smallest growers and producers, and the FDA, with its iron-fist approach, is the vehicle of choice to exert that control. Hard to believe, but in this good-cop-bad-cop routine, USDA is the good cop.

    Related Links:

    USDA downplays own scientist’s research on ill effects of Monsanto herbicide

    Ask Umbra on food dehydrators, cage-free and free-range poultry, and e-readers

    USDA research chief concerned about ‘safety of organic food’






  • In Japan, a global meeting on local food

    by Elizabeth Henderson

    “We wanted to connect ‘safe’ foods and the support of organic farming with the survival of family farmers, with the preservation of the environment, with opposition to militarism and imperialism, with demands for social justice, and with our need to work collectively to create a better future.”—A 20-year teikei (CSA) member at the Urgenci conference

    KOBE, JAPAN—Attending the Urgenci conference “Community Supported Foods and Farming” in Kobe, Japan, in February reminded me that sometimes traveling to the other side of the world can bHonoring Japanese CSA farmers at the Urgenci event in Kobe, Japan.Elizabeth Hendersonring new insights to our local work.

    Urgenci is an international network based in the south of France governed by an 8-member board than includes one American, Benjamin Shute of Hearty Roots Farm in New York State. Urgenci’s bi-annual gatherings bring together farmers, activists, and researchers involved in community-supported agriculture (CSA) and other cooperative ventures linking consumers directly with producers. In Japan, the word for CSA is teikei.

    For the past two years, Urgenci has been focusing on “missions,” sending two-person teams, an AMAP farmer and a consumer activist, to countries in Eastern Europe and north Africa to spread the word about consumer-producer cooperatives and to facilitate adaptations in each country.

    A thousand or so people attended the 2-day conference, and 75 stayed on for the 9 am-8 pm Urgenci meeting.  While Japanese outnumbered other nationalities, there were representatives from England, France, the US, Korea, Malaysia, Australia, Italy, Latvia, Roumania, Mali, and Morocco.  Aside from Ben Shute and me, the only other Americans were his wife Lindsay, and Jo and Jim Sluyter from Michigan.  The presence of the Eastern Europeans and Africans is testimony to the success of Urgenci’s missions and international exchanges.

    Before the conference, a bus carried us into the hills behind Kobe to tour organic farms.  Many of the pine trees in the forests we passed seemed to be dying. Etched out of the surrounding forests, the villages are patchworks of small bermed fields, many with the residues of rice plants standing in neat rows. Traditional Japanese farm houses with their curving tiled roofs are sturdy and very beautiful.  Even in this winter season, you can see the ornamental gardens that surround them.

    Our first stop was a blueberry field, perhaps three quarters of an acre.  The young couple that grows these plants told us that fresh blueberries are not a familiar fruit in Japanese markets.  The husband spent a year learning organic farming as an intern with Teikei farmer Shinji Hashimoto before marrying and settling in the village with his wife who agreed to farm with him on condition that they grow the blueberries.  Five years later, the blueberry plants look well-nourished and carefully pruned.  The wife treated us to some of her first batch of jam.  A culinary success.  The couple runs their own Teikei with 40 families, selling to restaurants as well.  All of their fields are certified organic.

    That evening, these two were among the 17 new farmers honored at a grand dinner party and celebration of local organic food.  Shinji confided to me that he had invited the mayor of the town and other local dignitaries to speak at the dinner so that they would see these young farmers and taste the food they are growing.  In an area that has been losing farmers steadily and where the average farmer age is 70, the Ichijima prefecture (county) has been subsidizing organic farms for a number of years, paying 50,000 yen per hectare per year of vegetables, covering half of the certification fee, and paying the entire salary of interns who commit to farming there for five years. The results were tangible at this sumptuous dinner.

    Along with Eliane Joumond, a French fruit grower with a CSA, Kristen Glendinning, who organizes CSAs for the Soil Association in England, and Judith Hitchman, our translator, I spent the night at Shinji’s home.  As the morning light was breaking, we visited the Shinto shrine, perfectly camouflaged in the woods next to the house. Over a traditional breakfast of rice and miso soup,  Shinji’s wife told us about her work; she does all the washing, prepping and packing, while Shinji and his two interns do the growing.  In the seven years since I visited before, Shinji has been able to purchase several of the small scattered fields that make up his farm.  Where one chicken house stood before, there are three now.  Together with 5 other farmers, Shinji supplies the vegetables and eggs for 400 households.

    in the greenhoue of a Japanese CSA farm, greens thrive. Photo: Elizabeth Henderson As Shinji tells the story, their Teikei began in 1975 and at its peak 20 years ago encompassed 30 organic farms and 1500 households. Then a serious split took place.  It would be fascinating to get the whole story.  These days, the five farmers negotiate their crop mix among themselves and each sets goals for what he needs to earn.  They invoice the group for what each puts in the shares, and pay 2 – 3% for a book keeper provided by the agricultural cooperative to which they all belong. Deliveries are made by truck with the consumers paying the driver.  The members also pay a fee and the farmers can take out interest-free loans from this sum. Now this is a tip we might want to bring home to US CSAs!

    That afternoon, the tour continued to an organic rice grower and sake maker.  Unfortunately, those of us who were speakers at the conference returned to Kobe for a briefing. The organizers were justifiably nervous about the logistics of a gathering of over 1000 people with translation into English, French and Japanese.  Dozens of student volunteers served as staff.

    Here are some highlights from the conference. On day one, after greetings by dignitaries from the national and prefecture ministries of agriculture, Professor Shigeru Yasuda provided a history of organic agriculture in Japan.  Now retired from Kobe University, Yasuda was a founding member of the Japanese Organic Agriculture Association (JOAA) in 1971 and one of the authors of the 1978 Ten Principles of Teikei, based on the first five years of Teikei experience (you can read them on p. 269 of my book  Sharing the Harvest).  The man who inspired and provided the philosophical grounding for JOAA was Teruo Ichiraku, an organizer of farmer cooperatives.  Upset upon learning that even mother’s milk was contaminated by pesticides, Ichiraku developed a critique of increasingly corporate industrial agriculture and proposed direct relations between farmers and their customers as the antidote.  This quote from “River Basin Region Self Sufficiency and Teikei will Drive Organic Agriculture,” summarize his teachings:

    “Teikei in its most pure sense is cooperation of people supporting one another in the basics of life and living via farm produce for both farmers and consumers.  It also establishes self-reliance for both farmers and consumers…It is correct to say that organic agriculture and Teikei are the links between people, nature and all creatures on earth that nurture thoughts for others and desire to create a society that cherishes warm-hearted living.  Such human relations will go beyond the boundaries of nations, growing and reaching out to each region and each country around the world, creating world wide solidarity.  This will certainly be the foundation of world peace.” (From booklet distributed at the conference by the Japanese Organic Agriculture Association (JOAA). February 2010, p. 75.)  Professor Yasuda went on to state that the three pillars of organic agriculture are 1. clean up the environment 2. protect the earth and 3. promote health.  He concluded his talk by asking the audience to reflect on their own behavior.  If they had eaten bread for breakfast, they had enriched US fields instead of supporting local, organic rice growers.

    The conference was rich in testimonials from participants in the Teikei movement.  Yoshinori Kaneko, whose farm is still supplying families with shares of their harvest after 35 years, talked about the 95 younger farmers he has trained. Katsuo Watanabe was one of the 18 farmers from Miyoshi Village who responded to the group of Tokyo women from “The Grow and Eat Safe Food Society,” to form the very first cooperative Teikei in 1974. “Food is life, not a commodity,”  Wakashima Reiko, a 20-year member of that group, gave voice to a theme that echoed throughout the two days.  She outlined their basic principles: 1. we take everything the farmers offer, 2. the farmers set the prices, 3. consumers cooperate with producers for distribution. Kobe Professor Toshiko Masugata moved the audience to tears with her memories of the way Teikei farmers and members supported one another through the devastation of the Kobe earthquake.

    The conference also covered other forms of producer/consumer solidarity. I spoke on “CSA Around the World,” an update of the chapter from Sharing the Harvest: A Citizen’s Guide to CSA (Chelsea Green, 2007, you can read the full text on the publisher’s blog or on the Urgenci website). The newest developments include a first CSA near Beijing, and the remarkable Urgenci missions to Eastern Europe and Africa.  Andrea Calori, an Italian professor and organizer of “Gruppi di acquisito solidali,” (GAS, or Solidarity-Based Buying Groups) gave a lively talk on local, not as a geographical dimension, but as a way of thinking.  A holistic approach to sustainable development, in Calori’s terms, must empower local people through partnerships that integrate commerce, agriculture, land use planning, fully honoring a community’s cultural heritage. Since 1994, over 600 GAS have allowed groups of 10 to 80 families to purchase directly from producers of food, clothing, and all kinds of services, and these local groups have formed regional clusters and a national network with links to Fair Trade.

    On a panel on local food systems, Joy Daniel from the Institute for Integrated Rural Development (IIRD) in Aurangabad, described their work in a part of India where small-scale farmers survive on less that $1 a day. The IIRD has enabled over 10,000 mainly women farmers to move from organic farming by default to conscious use of organic methods of production for local farmers markets where they can get a better price for their food than by selling to brokers. Instead of third party certification, they have a Participatory Guarantee System (PGS); women who have gone through the IIRD training act as technical advisors and coaches to the others.  Since most of them are illiterate, they use a verbal pledge to a list of 14 simple and clear standards.

    Andre Leu, Australian farmer and vice president of the International Federation of Organic Agricultural Movements (IFOAM) delivered a passionate speech on the vital role of small holdings in solving the world food crisis.  He sited studies by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) that show that over a billion people, one sixth of humanity, go hungry every day.  The solution is small scale organic food production and marketing to ensure the food security of local communities.  Like Joy Daniel, Leu emphasized the conclusions of the International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD) that if we are to feed all the world’s people, we must increase agricultural biodiversity, enhance the care of soils, water and ecosystems, improve rural enterprises and village opportunities, grow and consume local farm products and eat less meat. Leu announced that IFOAM is making PGS and support for small holders their top priorities.

    The conference concluded with an official “Declaration,” affirming the role of Teikei and Urgenci “in protecting organic small scale farming and promoting partnerships… where the food and farms support the community and the communities support the earth.  This is the meaning of true food sovereignty.  It means thinking globally and acting locally.”

    That night the conference organizers treated us speakers and international visitors to a gala dinner in a swanky restaurant on the 30th floor of the Portopia Hotel.  A bit rich for my blood, though I do not deny I enjoyed the food and the abundant sake. The view of the port and the city was truly spectacular.  The Portopia is part of a new section of Kobe, constructed on an artificial island in the harbor.

    The next day was work –  the marathon meeting of the Urgenci Network.  Since previous meetings, both the one I attended in Portugal and the subsequent one in France, had been fraught with conflict, among the French and between the French and everyone else, Arthur Getz had been asked to act as mediator and facilitator.  Arthur is an American with long ties to Japanese organic agriculture who currently directs Global Policy Change and Food Systems Advocacy for Heifer International.  He conducted the meeting with humor and skill, preventing a relapse into the angry debates and cultural misunderstandings that had scarred the earlier meetings.  Board president Katsu Murayama and Jocelyn Parot reported on Urgenci’s work over the past two years and presented the budget.  French support has kept the organization going; finding a more sustainable solution is one of the challenges ahead.  In honor of his energetic and dedicated work organizing the international missions, the group elected Daniel Vuillon honorary president.  As a result of the day’s discussions, Urgenci will continue encouraging the spread of CSA-like projects, try to establish regional networks and seek membership fees from each project, all their members and existing networks like Just Food in NYC. The other top priority is closer partnerships with IFOAM and Via Campesina, the other international network of small farmers.  Board elections concluded the meeting. To fill out an application to join Urgenci, go to www.urgenci.net.  There you can also read the network’s newsletters and reports on the dissemination missions.

     

    Related Links:

    Me, on Edible Radio

    That smarts! Dutch pranksters go car-tipping, and more

    Food safety: How local can you go?






  • Ask Umbra’s pearls of wisdom on Earth Day parties

    by Umbra Fisk

    Dearest readers,

    Oh snap, did you space on Earth Day again? (Newsflash: It’s tomorrow!) No worries, there’s still time
    (a little, anyway) to pull together something for your office or school—or at
    least get a head start for next year’s planning. Feeling celebratory myself, I
    raked through the archives to find some past tips on Earth Day par-tays. How
    will you be celebrating this year? Let me know in the comments below.

    All work and no play.
    Want to throw an Earth Day fete at your office? A game and a treat (DIY junk food, perhaps?)—and
    maybe an eco-competition—are a sound basis for an excellent party. How about
    green versions of children’s party games? Can you get ahold of, or make, a
    topical piñata? A car filled with Rolos, for example. Or how about a game of
    darts with a board covered with the faces of the Bush administration? Or, since
    I’m not allowed to be partisan, how about ‘Round the Clock with faces of famous
    and infamous eco-influential people, like Ronald Regan, Al Gore, or Leonardo
    DiCaprio
    ? As for the “competition” element of your party, you
    could have a paper-use or power-use reduction contest. Like can the company as
    a whole reduce its power use by a certain amount between one power bill and the
    next? There are simple, low-commitment actions everyone could do to
    participate: Send computers into sleep mode sooner, and shut off lights and
    computers at the end of the day. Get the full Ask Umbra
    answer
    .

    Give it the old
    college try.

    Looking to bring an Earth Day celebration to your school? Luckily, you don’t
    have to come up with an idea for an event from scratch, as we now have 40 years
    worth of experience to draw from (thank you, internet). Earth Day activities
    can be celebratory or educational, and the educational ones can be aimed at a
    green audience or at novices. You’ve got your speakers, your awards, your
    sorting of trash on the main quad, your Top Ten Things
    You Can Do
    lists, your tree plantings, your volunteering at schools, your
    Car-Free Day. A fun event might just be nominally earthy, like a band or a
    scavenger hunt. You’re just trying to raise awareness and get a few more fish
    in the net, so it doesn’t need to be completely original. Get the full Ask Umbra answer.

    It’s mind over motto.
    So now you want a slogan to draw the whole event together? Some tips: Be
    specific. Be straightforward or surprising, as fits your company’s/school’s/organization’s
    culture. And don’t try to rhyme. Frankly, I’d also advise against using the
    word “green” because people are already tiring of hearing it. And
    hopefully you’ll pick something that will actually relate to the theme of your
    party or event. And if all else fails, seriously, skip the catchphrase. What
    you’re actually doing/celebrating at your Earth Day event is far more important
    than some snappy slogan. Get
    the full Ask Umbra answer
    .

    Confettily,
    Umbra

    Related Links:

    Good news for Earth Day: We can reduce climate pollution and boost the economy, all at once

    Earth Day 2010

    Is Earth “Effed”?






  • Each party has a clean-energy plan in U.K. election

    by Jonathan Hiskes

    Conservative Party’s “Vote blue, go green” logo.The United Kingdom holds
    its general election in two weeks, and Jeremy Lovell of Climatewire runs
    down
    the plans of the three largest parties for tackling climate change and
    switching to a low-carbon economy.

    The plans are all
    imperfect, but they all exist. The U.K. Conservatives don’t deny climate change
    because solving it might require responses other than cutting taxes and
    boosting military spending. Instead, they support creating a Green Investment
    Bank to boost clean energy projects. They support the carbon-pricing plan in
    the country’s Climate Change levy and even want to add a floor price, which
    would encourage investors. Their slogan: “Vote blue, go green” (blue is the party’s color). (Johann Hari has a more
    skeptical take
    on party leader David Cameron’s allegiances.)

    From an American
    perspective, it’s interesting to see all the major parties take the climate problem
    seriously. This is what competitive
    elections look like in most modernized countries. The U.S. is the exception.

    A close election is likely to require a coalition government in Britain for the
    first time since 1978, so it’s a good thing each party has something to offer
    to the energy
    quest
    .

    Then again, maybe the environment just isn’t much of a priority for the parties, as the reliably discontent Guardian columnist George Monbiot argues:

    They’re all making vaguely appropriate noises, but it’s obvious that the issue is off the agenda…

    It’s partly because there’s not a great deal that divides these parties that the environment has featured so little in the election campaigns. It’s also because economic issues have distracted them, while Labour and the Conservatives are both desperate to prove that they are the party of big business. All three parties want to rescue the economy by increasing consumption, while crossing their fingers and hoping that this won’t clash with their environmental aims. [Emphasis mine.]

    Related Links:

    U.S. military shrinking its carbon ‘boot print’

    Colorado Springs experiments by slashing public services

    U.S. lowers expectations for climate treaty this year






  • U.S. military shrinking its carbon ‘boot print’

    by Agence France-Presse

    WASHINGTON—From solar-powered water-purification systems in Afghanistan to a Navy jet-fueled in part by biofuel, the U.S. military is taking a lead role in shrinking the U.S. carbon “boot print,” an independent report said Tuesday.

    The Department of Defense accounts for 80 percent of the U.S. government’s total energy consumption, and most of the energy it uses currently comes from fossil fuels, according to a new report [PDF] by the Pew Research think tank’s Project on National Security, Energy and Climate.

    But moves are afoot in all branches of the military to change that.  The Army and Air Force have several bases that are partially powered by solar energy, one of which—Fort Irwin in California—is expected to be able to stop taking energy from the public electricity grid within a decade.

    The navy has set itself a key goal of getting 50 percent of fuel used ashore and afloat from non-fossil sources by 2020, Navy Secretary Ray Mabus told a telephone news conference after the report was issued.

    The navy will also test-fly this week its “Green Hornet” F-18 fighter jet, which runs on a mix of biofuel made from camelina, a plant in the mustard family, and aviation fuel, he said.

    “Unlike first-generation corn ethanol, camelina is a plant that can be used in rotation with things like wheat instead of letting the land lie fallow. So it doesn’t take food out of the supply chain, but it does provide American farmers with another crop they can grow,” Mabus said.

    And the U.S. Marine Corps, working with the Army, has applied energy-efficiency foams to temporary structures in Iraq, to reduce energy consumption by up to 75 percent.

    With its history giving the world transformational technology like the internet and GPS systems, the report predicts that the steps the U.S. military is taking now to beat back climate change will lead to a raft of innovations that enhance energy efficiency for the military and the general public. Those could include new alternative fuels, advanced energy storage, and more efficient vehicles on land, in the air, and at sea, it said.

    Phyllis Cuttino, director of Pew’s climate and energy program, called on U.S. lawmakers to back what the military is doing on the climate-change and energy-efficiency fronts by passing comprehensive climate-change legislation. “It should put a price on carbon, invest in energy innovation, and help deploy renewable energy,” she said. “Doing so will make us more prosperous, reduce pollution, and enhance our national security,” she said.

    Related Links:

    Each party has a clean-energy plan in U.K. election

    Colorado Springs experiments by slashing public services

    U.S. lowers expectations for climate treaty this year






  • Raiding rainforest funds in climate legislation will turn cost projections into fantasy

    by Glenn Hurowitz

    An endangered unicorn protected by one of the imaginary offsets created if Kerry-Graham-Lieberman raids funds for tropical rainforests.In the ongoing negotiations over the Kerry-Graham-Lieberman
    bill, different polluters are clamoring for cash to compensate them for not
    fouling the atmosphere quite so much. One of their targets: the legislation’s set-aside
    funds for reducing tropical
    deforestation
    , which is responsible for at least 15 percent of total carbon
    dioxide emissions (more than all the cars, trucks, ships, and planes in the
    world).

    Outside of all the myriad benefits of protecting tropical rainforests
    for the planet, raiding this “Climate
    Forest Fund
    ” seriously threatens the affordability, effectiveness, and
    political viability of energy and climate legislation.

    Here’s why: one of the primary purposes of this fund is to
    help rainforest nations supply the international offsets needed to keep the
    bill affordable and end deforestation.

    No set-aside, no
    offsets, no affordability:
    Climate
    legislation rightly includes strict requirements to ensure that offsets
    actually reduce emissions. Most international offsets are expected to come from
    tropical rainforest conservation. But right now, most rainforest nations can’t
    meet the legislation’s requirements to generate offsets—they don’t have
    enough trained people or good monitoring satellites to accurately track how
    many forests they have, how much they’re losing, how many emissions result, and
    how effective conservation projects are. Until these countries get the capacity
    they need through the Climate Forest Fund, all those offsets and the cost
    savings that come from them are pure fantasy.

    With the help of my able associate Olivier Jarda, I’ve put
    together a graph showing what I mean:

    Joking aside, this is a real threat to the bill.

    The EPA analysis of the House-passed American Clean Energy
    and Security legislation found that excluding international offsets makes
    emissions permits 89 percent more expensive.

    Take a look at this actual graph from an excellent new study
    by Nigel Purvis and Andrews Stevenson at Resources for the Future quantifying,
    in unicorn-free terms, how much a small investment in the Climate Forest Fund
    actually saves Americans by bringing offsets to market.

    To summarize, setting aside five percent of the revenue from
    climate legislation for tropical rainforests saves U.S. consumers $9.6 billion
    per year, or a total of $421 billion over the life of the legislation,
    according to additional data provided by the study authors.

    The Climate Forest Fund helps U.S. business and consumers in
    other ways: part of it will be dedicated to enforcing laws against importing
    illegally logged wood
    into the United States, where it undercuts more
    responsibly and sustainably produced American forest products.

    Finally, by delivering very cheap (currently $5 per ton)
    pollution reductions beyond those mandated by the cap, it brings U.S. pollution
    commitments close to those of other industrialized countries—putting pressure
    on countries like China and India to reduce their own pollution.

    Indeed, the only group likely to be happy about raiding the
    Climate Forest Fund are Chinese coal executives who will be thrilled that their
    own government will be freed from any pressure to take on tighter pollution
    reduction targets—leaving the Chinese free to out-pollute and out-compete the
    United States.

    Related Links:

    U.S. lowers expectations for climate treaty this year

    This Earth Day we need more than a celebration, we need a clean energy revolution

    WATCH: China building ambitious “Solar Valley City” to advance solar industry






  • Michigan woman faces down meat industry, wins [VIDEO]

    by Tom Philpott

    Lynn Henning checks a stream for CAFO contamination. When government regulators toe the industry line, citizens have to fight back. Photo: Tom DusenberryIn “Chewing
    the Scenery,”
    we round up interesting food-related video from around
    the Web.

    ————-

    I write a lot about the meat industry’s nearly unbridled power in this country, which it uses to abuse labor, land, farmers, water, animals, and communities in execution of its business model. Sometimes, citizens fight back—and win. Lynn Henning, a family farmer in rural Michigan, is one such person. She and her husband run a 300-acre corn and soy farm—within 10 miles of no fewer than 12 concentrated-animal feedlot operations (CAFOs). Her effort to document the ill effects of living surrounded by these vast fecal/pharmaceutical mires has caused her and her family plenty of trouble. Her car is often followed—and even run off the road; dead animals appear on her lawn. But her work has resulted in hundreds of citations for the CAFOS that surround her house; and in 2008, based on evidence that Henning dug up, the state of Michigan for the first time ever denied a license for a CAFO. Efforts of citizens like Henning expose our pathetic regulatory structure around meat production—and act as the necessary spur for improving things. I congratulate Lynn on winning the 2010 North America Goldman Environmental Prize—and congratulate Goldman for understanding and highlighting the relavance of this issue.

    Related Links:

    Time for the public to reinvest in food-system infrastructure

    USDA Inspector General: meat supply routinely tainted with harmful residues

    Fred Kirschenmann, winner of NRDC’s Growing Green “Thought Leader” award






  • Colorado Springs experiments by slashing public services

    by Jonathan Hiskes

    Courtesy Jasen Miller via FlickrCivic-minded urbanist
    types like to experiment with collective projects. Apparently, so do people who don’t
    like civic projects, taxes, public parks, pools, police officers, or
    firefighters. Famously anti-tax Colorado Springs launched an astounding
    experiment this year:

    More than a third of the streetlights in Colorado Springs
    will go dark Monday. The police helicopters are for sale on the Internet. The
    city is dumping firefighting jobs, a vice team, burglary investigators, beat
    cops—dozens of police and fire positions will go unfilled.

    The parks department removed trash cans last week,
    replacing them with signs urging users to pack out their own litter.

    Neighbors are encouraged to bring their own lawn mowers to
    local green spaces, because parks workers will mow them only once every two
    weeks. If that.

    Water cutbacks mean most parks will be dead, brown turf by
    July; the flower and fertilizer budget is zero.

    City recreation centers, indoor and outdoor pools, and a
    handful of museums will close for good March 31 unless they find private funding
    to stay open. Buses no longer run on evenings and weekends. The city won’t pay
    for any street paving, relying instead on a regional authority that can meet
    only about 10 percent of the need.

    Call it place-unmaking.
    Towns across the nation are watching, as many of them are facing budget
    shortfalls as severe as Colorado Springs’.

    The Atlantic Wire has
    an interesting
    roundup
    of reactions to the project, though most are fairly ideologically
    predictable. Conservative blogger and Colorado Springs resident Michelle Malkin
    writes,
    “Self-reliance. Privatization. Thrift.  Fiscal accountability. The liberals
    in Denver and Washington could learn something from our Mountain West spirit if
    they could just get over their Colorado Springs Derangement Syndrome.”

    Eric Martin writes,
    “When one of the two major political parties wages tax jihad and demonizes
    government and its appendages … people no longer grasp the extent to which
    government services actually ensure a certain standard of living, not to
    mention economic opportunity.”

    Others note that
    Colorado’s second-largest city continues to receive plenty of taxpayer money
    through the U.S. Air Force Academy, four other military installations, and
    heavyweight defense contractor Lockheed Martin.

    It’ll be fascinating (and
    disturbing?) to see how this works out in the coming months and years. That will
    require Actual Reporting on how the slashed public services affect residents of
    all social classes. Here’s hoping there are journalists left to cover it.

    Related Links:

    Each party has a clean-energy plan in U.K. election

    U.S. military shrinking its carbon ‘boot print’

    U.S. lowers expectations for climate treaty this year