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  • Can federal courts help tackle global warming?

    by Doug Kendall

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    If Congress and the president fail to tackle global warming, can courts
    step in? Can federal judges allow people struggling with the losses of
    global warming to sue polluters directly?

    The idea may at first seem crazy. In a legal world obsessed with claims
    of judicial activism, the image of a judge taking on a global problem
    like climate change seems like the punch line to a bad joke at an Exxon
    board meeting. But it turns out there is a long and proud history of
    judges addressing pollution in the absence of environmental regulation.
    For much of the last century—long before Congress acted—federal courts
    allowed plaintiffs to seek injunctions to stop all kinds of pollution.
    Successful suits prevented an ore smelter from releasing deadly
    atmospheric arsenic over the homes and families of Utah, the City of
    Chicago from draining its sewage into St. Louis’ drinking supply, and
    New York City from dumping its garbage into the Atlantic, where it
    washed up on the beaches of the New Jersey Shore. Today, states and
    environmentalists are turning to these and other historic precedents to
    make the case that climate change, too, belongs in the courts—when the
    other branches of government refuse to act.

    The current battle began in 2004, the midpoint of the Bush presidency.
    A coalition of states and private land trusts, led by the State of
    Connecticut, that were frustrated with Washington’s failure to
    introduce legislation or regulations limiting greenhouse gas emissions
    sued several of the nation’s largest electric utilities in Connecticut v. American Electric Power.
    The coalition alleged that the companies’ greenhouse-gas emissions
    amounted to a “public nuisance” in the form of global warming. Under
    the nuisance principle—one of the oldest in English common law—a
    property owner may ask the court to stop a defendant who is interfering
    with the owner’s enjoyment of his own property, and, in some
    circumstances, to pay damages. In the Connecticut case, the plaintiffs
    thus sought to persuade the court to order the utility companies to
    reduce their greenhouse-gas emissions by showing how such gases cause
    global warming, which in turn was creating increased temperatures,
    alternating drought and floods, destruction of natural habitats, and
    corresponding decreases in property values and human health and
    welfare.

    Though the cause-and-effect aspect of this argument might seem hard
    to prove in court, global-warming victims in other corners of the
    country started filing similar lawsuits. In Comer v. Murphy Oil,
    residents of Mississippi’s Gulf Coast sued nearby oil refineries for
    damages they suffered during Hurricane Katrina, alleging that the
    refineries’ greenhouse-gas emissions contributed to the force of the
    storm. In 2008, in Native Village of Kivalina v. Exxon,
    residents of a small village on a barrier island off the Alaskan coast,
    whose homes are being steadily submerged by rising sea levels, filed
    suit against two dozen energy companies for their contribution to
    climate change. The villagers, who are native Inupiat, seek more than
    $400 million in damages to cover the cost of relocating their homes,
    again using the doctrine of nuisance law.

    Each of these cases was
    dismissed at the trial court level. The judges said that the suits
    raised a “political question” not fit for the judicial branch to rule
    on-a tool that allows judges to punt tricky cases they don’t want to
    decide. Two of the lower courts also said that the parties lacked legal
    standing to bring the lawsuits, because they could not show their
    injuries were sufficiently traceable to the defendants’ conduct.
    However, the plaintiffs appealed these dismissals to federal courts of
    appeals, arguing that they do have standing and that the “political question” doctrine does not apply.

    Then, to the shock of the legal community and even some environmentalists,
    two federal appeals courts reversed these rulings. Last September,
    after more than three years of deliberating, a two-judge panel on the
    U.S. Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit overturned the dismissal of Connecticut v. AEP in a sweeping 139-page opinion. A few days later, a three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit released a similar opinion reinstating the Katrina victims’
    lawsuit. The five judges responsible for these rulings-three of whom
    were appointed by Republican presidents-found that the plaintiffs had
    standing and that the evidence of the relationship between greenhouse
    gases and climate change was sufficient for the cases to go forward.
    The courts did not punt because of the “political question”
    doctrine, pointing out that federal courts have successfully handled
    public nuisance claims involving environmental damage for more than a
    century.

    Here the 2nd Circuit relied heavily on a little-known, century-old Supreme Court case called Georgia v. Tennessee Copper Co.
    The suit began in the early 1900s, when the State of Georgia sued two
    copper companies in Tennessee for emitting noxious emissions that
    destroyed plants and crops in Georgia. No less a figure than Justice
    Oliver Wendell Holmes found the copper companies liable for the
    nuisance of air pollution and ordered the companies to reduce their
    emissions. When the companies failed to fully comply, the court set
    emissions limits, with monitoring requirements and costs divided
    between the defendants. In other words, the court established the same
    sort of regulatory regime Congress would introduce 50 years later with
    the 1970 Clean Air Act.

    Today, federal courts dealing with global-warming lawsuits are faced with the same dilemma as the Supreme Court was in Tennessee Copper,
    only on a much larger scale. Air pollution from one state is causing
    harm to other states (indeed, to the whole world). Despite the
    encouraging rulings from the courts of appeals, however, today’s
    global-warming nuisance suits face an uncertain future. Last month, the 5th Circuit announced a rehearing en banc for the
    Katrina victims’ lawsuit, meaning that all of the court’s judges will
    sit and rehear the case. The Alaskan villagers, who lost before the
    district court, now move to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. One or more of these plaintiffs may well wind up before the Supreme Court.

    And there a conservative majority may be more sympathetic to the
    fossil-fuel industry, which argues that the courts should butt out
    because Washington is doing plenty about global warming. The industry’s
    Exhibit A is in fact another court case: The Supreme Court’s 2007
    ruling in Massachusetts v. EPA, which held that greenhouse
    gases are air pollutants within the meaning of the Clean Air Act,
    allowing the EPA to regulate the gases directly.

    But the 2nd Circuit in September rejected the argument that this displaced the nuisance suits, noting that the EPA had not yet used the Clean Air Act to regulate greenhouse gases. The court
    acknowledged that this could change if and when the Obama
    administration gets moving.

    Judge Peter Hall, the author of the 2nd Circuit’s opinion, conceded the same point in a recent speech at
    Georgetown Law School. The courts would happily get out of the business
    of hearing nuisance suits about climate change, he said, if the EPA
    does its job in restricting these emissions-or better yet, if Congress
    passes a comprehensive climate bill. In the meantime, however, Judge
    Hall added that judges have the responsibility to take seriously
    nuisance lawsuits brought by property owners facing strengthening
    hurricanes and rising sea levels. These lawsuits, he said, probably
    provide a backstop and “some small impetus” to stonewalling lawmakers.
    It’s a trade-off: Polluters can either get out of the way of Congress
    or face the, well, nuisance of lawsuits for decades to come.

     

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  • Good news for Earth Day: We can reduce climate pollution and boost the economy, all at once

    by David Roberts

    Putting a price on carbon pollution is an important part of tackling climate change. It’s a way of leveling the playing field, removing an unfair advantage that fossil fuels have always had over clean alternatives.

    However!

    Pricing carbon is not the only part of tackling climate change. It’s not even necessarily the most important part, particularly in next decade. It’s certainly the least popular part, since, at least in isolation, it raises prices for every voter and slows GDP growth (if only a little). There are other, complementary policies that have the potential to increase economic productivity, offsetting the drag of a carbon price (in part by keeping carbon prices down). A portfolio approach to climate change, which couples a carbon price with complementary policies, could yield a net benefit to the economy, and to most voters, from day one.

    You’d think this would be happy news, but as I lamented here, getting economists to model or support a portfolio approach is like pulling teeth. (It is, it’s worth noting, genuinely difficult to model multiple policies and their interactions.) Partly as a consequence, the climate policy discussion is all cost, cost, cost, pain, pain, pain. The idea that climate policy could also be smart economic policy is dismissed as pie in the sky by the Very Serious. The good news remains unsung.

    It doesn’t have to be this way. Let’s take a quick run through some of the win-win policies that could boost the economy while reducing emissions.

    1. Utility reform

    Any clean energy future—hell, any energy future —will have electricity at its core. Electrification has steadily risen for a century and most analysts believe that electricity will continue to displace liquid fuels in coming years. Yet in the U.S., electrical power is distributed, sold, and (for the most part) generated by public utilities. Currently about half of U.S. utilities are in some stage of deregulation while half remain regulated monopolies; all are subject to a tangled skein of overlapping jurisdictions and authorities.

    It’s an unholy mess, as far from ideal market conditions—low barriers to entry and exit, transparent information, low transaction costs, etc.—as a market could be. Witness the fact that the overall energy efficiency of the average power plant hasn’t improved since 1960 (a fact often lamented by our own Sean Casten). It should make any economist, indeed anyone convinced of the power of markets, recoil.

    How exactly to untangle the utility mess and restore some measure of competition to electricity markets is a complex subject, to say the least, and beyond the scope of this post. (For more, check out the Compete Coalition or NDN’s “Electricity 2.0.”) The point is that doing so would boost efficiency, reduce waste (i.e., emissions), and increase economic productivity—a win for both the environment and the economy.

    2. Removal of subsidies

    Fossil fuels, and fossil-fuel intensive industries, receive a host of explicit and implicit subsidies. These can take the form of political patronage, favorable infrastructure investments, or direct grants, but the most common form is tax breaks and loopholes. (For more on that important but often overlooked subject, see “America’s Hidden Power Bill” from CAP.) Almost all economists agree that these subsidies distort competitive markets and reduce their overall efficiency. Remove them and efficiency increases; emissions drop. Again: win-win.

    Why aren’t economists united behind removing these subsidies? Why isn’t it at the top of every list of preferred climate policies? I don’t get it. Not only are economists not clamoring for this, but even a modest attempt by Obama to remove a small subset of tax breaks gets attacked, leading to surreal headlines like this: “Administration official: repeal of oil and gas tax breaks won’t hurt economy.” Uh … no sh*t!

    3. Efficiency, efficiency, efficiency

    Whether the cause is perverse regulation, immature markets, misaligned incentives, or the simple human weaknesses of shortsightedness, inattention, and laziness, billions of dollars of cost-effective investments in energy efficiency are left on the table. I’ve written about this many, many times, so instead of going over it all again I’ll just quote McKinsey:

    If executed at scale, a holistic approach [to energy efficiency] would yield gross energy savings worth more than $1.2 trillion, well above the $520 billion needed through 2020 for upfront investment in efficiency measures (not including program costs). Such a program is estimated to reduce end-use energy consumption in 2020 by 9.1 quadrillion BTUs, roughly 23 percent of projected demand, potentially abating up to 1.1 gigatons of greenhouse gases annually.

    Suffice to say, improving energy efficiency improves economic efficiency while reducing emissions. Win-win.

    4. Improvement of the electricity grid

    Some of the biggest surges of productivity in American history have come on the heels of large-scale public investments in infrastructure. Think of the railroads, the highway system, or the internet. Yet America’s electricity grid is a museum piece, a relic from the mid-20th century. An expanded, upgraded, intelligent grid will serve as a platform for new innovations and productivity enhancements just as the internet did; it will also serve to accelerate the integration of renewables and increase efficiency, thus lowering emissions. Win-win.

    5. Sprawl busting

    Urbanists are familiar with the economic efficiencies that come with density; greens are familiar with the resource efficiencies that come with density; residents of dense communities are familiar with the social and health benefits that come with density. Not everyone is as familiar with the vast network of land-use codes and regulations in the U.S. that discourage density. As much as some folks want to see sprawl as a pure expression of the consumer preference for lawns and cul-de-sacs, the fact is that policy choices drive land use. For more on this see … oh, hell, just Google “land-use sprawl.” The literature is copious.

    The Institute for Local Self-Reliance has a nice list of policies that can help reverse the trend. You might also check with any of these organizations. Simply relaxing some of the restrictions on density would result in people living closer together, sharing ideas, walking more, improving their health, being more productive, and emitting less carbon. Win-win.

    And so on

    This is just a partial list, and I’d love to hear your ideas for what should be added. But the point is clear: there are all sorts of public policies that can reduce greenhouse gas emissions and improve economic performance. Collectively, they can offset the slight GDP hit produced by a carbon price.

    So here’s your take-home message for Earth Day: A diverse climate policy portfolio can have a positive impact on the economy. That fact is obscured by the monomaniacal focus on carbon pricing that has come to characterize climate policy discussions. It would behoove economists, wonks, pundits, and ordinary citizens alike to broaden their view and rediscover this good news. Were it more broadly understood, it might help loosen the constipated politics around this subject. Heck, it might even serve as the basis of a rare bipartisan consensus. A fella can dream.

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  • Power your house with poop

    by Jen Harper

    Have you ever thought to yourself, “Man, my family sure does
    produce a lot of excrement; how can I cash in on this?” Well, according to DVICE, SeabEnergy’s
    MuckBuster might be just the ticket.

    “The MuckBuster is a self-contained anaerobic digester,
    built inside a repurposed shipping container. It can produce renewable energy
    from any organic materials—animal waste, grass clippings, or the stuff bound
    for the septic tank. In a month-long process, bacteria break down the organic
    materials and produce methane, a gas that can then be burned to produce
    electricity…allowing you to squeeze two kilowatt hours of power—about half of
    what a typical American home consumes—from 100 gallons of organic waste.”

    And to think, we’ve all just been flushing away solid gold. Now
    for a little Austin Powers potty
    humor:

    ——————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————-

    Like what you see? Sign up to receive The Grist List, our email roundup of pun-usual green news just like this, sent out every Friday.

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  • USDA downplays own scientist’s research on ill effects of Monsanto herbicide

    by Tom Laskawy

    Sure, the crops are genetically engineered to withstand Roundup; but what about the soil?

    What would happen if a USDA scientist discovered that one of the most commonly used pesticides on the planet with a reputation for having saved millions of tons of US soil from erosion was—rather than a soil savior—a soil killer?

    That, to quote a certain paranormal expert, would be bad. And yet, it’s true.

    This news came to the fore thanks to a recently published must-read article from Reuters on how government regulators are “dropping the ball” on agricultural biotechnology. It begins with the story of USDA scientist Dr. Robert Kremer. Kremer has spent the last fifteen years looking at Monsanto’s blockbuster broad-spectrum herbicide glyphosate (aka RoundUp), the most commonly used pesticide in the world and the companion to Monsanto’s possibly monopolistic RoundupReady lines of genetically engineered seeds.

    While exact figures are a closely guarded secret thanks to the USDA’s refusal to update its pesticide use database after 2007, estimates suggest upwards of 200 million pounds of glyphosate were dumped on fields and farms in the US in 2008 alone. That’s almost double the amount used in 2005.

    Glyphosate has a reputation as the “safest” of all the agricultural herbicides and has become the primary means of weed control in industrial agriculture. While being the best of an extremely nasty bunch may be the faintest of praise, the USDA relies on this perception, which has been fueled by industry and government research indicating that the chemical dissipates quickly and shows low toxicity (as poisons go, that is) to humans.

    The claim of “millions of tons of soil saved” relates to the soil that would have otherwise been lost to erosion without glyphosate’s central role in chemical no-till farming techniques. Indeed, experts such as Dr. Michael Shannon, a program director at the USDA’s Agricultural Research Service, as well as other USDA scientists, make this anti-erosion claim the core argument in favor of the widespread use of the chemical.

    Even so, glyphosate has been under attack from several quarters of late. Research indicates that, while glyphosate on its own may be relatively “safe,” it is actually quite toxic in combination with the other (supposedly “inert”) ingredients in commercial preparations of the herbicide, i.e. the stuff that farmers actually spray on their fields.

    And of course, there is the frightening spread of superweeds that glyphosate can no longer kill. It’s to the point that thousands of acres in the South have been abandoned to resistant strains of giant pigweed.

    Enter Dr. Kremer. His work, published in the peer-reviewed Journal of European Agronomy, further tarnishes glyphosate’s golden status. He has found that glyphosate’s side-effects in the ground are far more severe than previously thought. As he described it to me, the use of glyphosate causes:

    damage to beneficial microbes in the soil increasing the likelihood of infection of a crop by soil pathogens
    interference with nutrient uptake by the plant
    reduced efficiency of symbiotic nitrogen fixation
    overall lower-than-expected plant productivity

    Dr. Kremer has even helpfully provided a set of recommendations for farmers who use glyphosate or who plant Monsanto’s RoundUpReady seeds. According to Dr. Kremer, the worst of the problems can be avoided if 1) farmers only plant RoundupReady crops every other year in the same field, 2) come up with alternate crop residue management techniques and 3) plant cover crops “to revitalize soil biological and ecological processes as well as improve other aspects of soil quality.”

    A USDA scientist wouldn’t recommend measures like this if he weren’t convinced his results merited it. From the Reuters article:

    “This could be something quite big. We might be setting up a huge problem,” said Kremer, who expressed alarm that regulators were not paying enough attention to the potential risks from biotechnology on the farm, including his own research

    …“Science is not being considered in policy setting and deregulation,” said Kremer. “This research is important. We need to be vigilant.”

    Meanwhile, the response from the USDA to Dr. Kremer’s work has been, shall we say, subdued. Dr.  Shannon of the USDA/ARS admitted that Dr. Kremer’s results are valid, but said that the danger they represent pales in comparison to the superweed threat.

    That’s a bit like a doctor telling you, don’t worry about the severe headaches you’re getting as a side effect from this pill—don’t you know it can also cause paralysis? In fact, he likened Dr. Kremer’s new findings to the side-effects you might see with any drug whose benefits far outweigh the risks.

    Making matters worse, and much to Dr. Kremer’s chagrin, the ARS refused to publicize his work on glyphosate. While ARS spokesperson Sandy Miller Hays admitted that an announcement about his findings was written, she claimed it was withheld due to the quality of the writing. In other words, the ARS killed the story because they couldn’t bother to do some light editing.

    Nor was the USDA’s National Institute of Food and Agriculture (NIFA) very interested in Kremer’s findings. Run by Roger Beachy, a man with long-time links to the ag-biotech industry and an openly hostile attitude toward organic farming, NIFA is the bureaucratic nook within USDA responsible for informing farmers of new research.

    When I asked if NIFA had a position on Dr. Kremer’s work or if his guidance was being used by USDA extension agents, a NIFA spokesperson replied via email that:

    [T]he advice and counsel provided by extension agents in the field is not “approved” or “sanctioned” by NIFA; typically, these materials are developed through state and county extension offices, which receive some NIFA funding (how much varies from state to state) but are not managed by NIFA

    NIFA does not take positions on research papers, and has not produced any guidance about Dr. Kremer’s work.

    In short, nothing to see here. Move along!

    This most chilling comment of all, however, was provided by Miller Hays who observed that a European journal was the ideal place for this work because Europeans are “passionately interested in… the soil and pesticide use and that sort of thing.”

    As opposed to we Americans, who don’t care about the soil and pesticide use and that sort of thing?

    Following this particular USDA trail has reminded me of the age-old question, if a tree falls in a forest and people are standing around staring at it with their hands over their ears screaming “I’m not listening!!” at the top of their lungs, does it make a sound?

    What I find most concerning about this episode is the willful inability for most divisions of the USDA to conceive of agriculture without pesticides in general and glyphosate in particular. Not that companies aren’t planning for a post-glyphosate world. A recent article in the Western Farm Press painted a bleak future wherein farmers overcome the failures of individual pesticides (failures caused by USDA and industry-encouraged overuse, by the way) by planting genetically modified seeds that provide resistance to five or even six different pesticides at once.

    The “simplicity” of Monsanto’s GMO system of RoundupReady seeds plus glyphosate will be replaced by a dizzying and insanely toxic cocktail of pesticide treatments and hugely expensive seeds. Leaving aside cost, farmers will barely be able to manage the mixing and maintenance of their equipment in this scenario.

    There are alternatives. I only wish that the USDA technical divisions would start taking the work of researchers like Dr. Kremer (not to mention sustainable ag advocate Deputy Secretary of Agriculture Kathleen Merrigan) more seriously. Instead, they insist that farmers stay on the ever-accelerating and increasingly damaging chemical treadmill.

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  • U.S. lowers expectations for climate treaty this year

    by Agence France-Presse

    WASHINGTON—The United States on Monday downplayed hopes of clinching a new climate treaty this year, warning against unrealistic expectations despite what it said was growing agreement among major nations.

    The United States convened representatives of the world’s major economies for two days of casual talks, hoping to gain an understanding of what would be possible at the next U.N.-led climate summit in December in Cancun, Mexico.

    A statement issued afterward stressed “the importance of setting realistic expectations for Cancun,” saying only that nations should “at a minimum agree on a balanced set of decisions” based on last December’s summit in Copenhagen.

    Todd Stern, the chief U.S. climate negotiator, said that nearly all negotiators wanted to keep expectations in check for Cancun. He attributed the wide criticism of the Copenhagen summit largely to unrealistic hopes.

    “There’s no question that, globally, expectations got out ahead of what was really achievable and I don’t think that’s useful,” Stern told reporters on a conference call.

    However, Stern said there was “more convergence than you might think at the broad level” among major nations. Stern saw “considerable support” for the Cancun summit to reach an agreement that carries legal force.

    “I think people would be delighted if that happened this year, but I think people are also quite cognizant that that might or might not happen,” Stern said.

    Major developing economies such as China have hesitated to agree to a legally binding treaty, saying that wealthy nations bear primary responsibility for climate change.

    Rich nations insist on a binding treaty, pointing out that China is now the world’s largest emitter. The Kyoto Protocol, whose requirements expire at the end of 2012, forced only developed economies to cut emissions, triggering a U.S.
    boycott.

    A strong agreement may help President Barack Obama persuade Congress to approve the first nationwide U.S. plan to curb emissions. Senators are set to present long-delayed legislation next week.

    The talks included 17 major economies that account for more than 80 percent of carbon emissions. Michael Froman, a senior White House advisor who led the meeting, said the talks also included Colombia, Denmark, Grenada, and Yemen. With air travel disrupted by Iceland’s volcanic eruption, some nations participated by videoconference or were represented by Washington-based diplomats.

    But the United States did not invite nations including Sudan and Venezuela, whose negotiators launched hours of loud protests at December’s U.N. summit in Copenhagen.

    India’s Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh, in prepared remarks quoted by Indian media, told the conference that he wanted the Washington talks to reduce the “huge trust deficit” in climate negotiation. One way to build trust, he said, was to begin the disbursement of some of the $30 billion that wealthy nations say developing nations will need in the short term to adapt to climate change.

    Stern said the United States highlighted its contribution of $1.3 billion in the 2010 fiscal year and the Obama administration’s request to Congress for $1.9 billion in 2011.

    In Copenhagen, Japan offered by far the largest offer of $19 billion through 2012, although it said the money was contingent on a “fair and effective” international deal. European leaders have promised $9.7 billion in the same period.

    Stern said that the talks also focused on other issues seen as critical to a climate deal, including developed nations’ demands that emerging economies be transparent about their actions on climate change.

    The talks are just one of a series in the run-up to Copenhagen. Germany has invited ministers for talks from May 2-4.

    Thousands of activists and indigenous leaders, meanwhile, are gathering in Bolivia this week to highlight the plight of the world’s poorest, whom they argue were largely ignored in Copenhagen.

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  • Retired military officers issue an order: improve school lunches!

    by Tom Laskawy

    Now that guys like these are demanding significantly more funding for school lunches, will Congress and the President listen? School lunch advocates have found a new—and certainly unexpected—ally in the battle for school lunch reform: retired military officers. A group called Mission: Readiness is holding an event today in Washington, DC along with USDA Chief Tom Vilsack to showcase its new report Too Fat to Fight [PDF]:

    As retired Generals, Admirals, and other senior leaders of the United States Armed Forces, we know firsthand that national security must be America’s top priority.

    Being overweight or obese turns out to be the leading medical reason why applicants fail to qualify for military service. Today, otherwise excellent recruit prospects, some of them with generations of sterling military service in their family history, are being turned away because they are just too overweight.

    We are calling on Congress to pass new child nutrition legislation that would (a) get the junk food out of our schools; (b) support increased funding to improve nutritional standards and the quality of meals served in schools; and (c) provide more children access to effective programs that cut obesity [emphasis added].

    I first heard the news about obesity’s effect on the military back in November via Wired. But this linkage to the issue of school lunch reform is brand new. What an interesting wrinkle to have these officers shoring up reform’s right flank. How can anyone oppose school lunch reform now?

    I also appreciated the historical perspective the group provides [PDF]:

    This is not the first time the military has spoken out about the health of America’s children. In 1945, military leaders expressed concern about the poor health and nutrition experienced by many potential recruits, and Congress responded by creating the national school lunch program as a matter of national security.

    I don’t know enough about the history of school lunch to evaluate this claim. But it’s certainly plausible.

    Putting aside whether you think the goal of a healthy school lunch is to prepare our children for lives in the military, it’s still worth wondering if the battle for school lunch reform has perhaps turned the corner.

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  • Brazil suspends bidding for controversial dam

    by Agence France-Presse

    BRASILIA—Brazilian officials suspended bidding Tuesday by companies seeking to build a controversial Amazon dam opposed by Hollywood stars and indigenous Indian groups.

    The overnight ruling by the regional justice ministry in the state of Para called the Belo Monte dam project “an affront to environmental laws,” directly countering a federal court’s order last week overturning an earlier challenge.

    The issue has become spectacularly controversial, with even “Avatar” director James Cameron and star Sigourney Weaver wading in to give their backing to opponents and drawing parallels the with natives-versus-exploiters storyline of their blockbuster Hollywood movie.

    Tenders were to have opened Tuesday under the federal court’s order, which reversed a previous suspension hailed by the dam’s critics.

    But the Para state ministry said too many questions remained over how the massive project would affect flora and fauna in the region, and what would become of the 12,000 mostly indigenous families who would have to be relocated from the Xingu river area that would feed the dam.

    The $10 billion dam project is a crown jewel in a Brazilian government plan to boost energy production through Belo Monte’s hydroelectric plant. The dam, expected to produce 11,000 megawatts, would be the third-biggest in the world, after China’s Three Gorges facility and Brazil’s Itaipu dam in the south.

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  • Time for the public to reinvest in food-system infrastructure

    by Tom Philpott

    Want farmers market food to expand beynd niche status? We need to invest in infrastructure. Photo: Natalie Maynor, Flickr Creative CommonsWhen The New York Times invited me to participate in a “Room for Debate” forum on the infrastructure problem in agriculture, I wrote a 1400-word treatise (a Tolstoyan length in online-debate terms), before slashing it down to the required 400 words. To see the forum, with its variety of perspectives, go here. Below is the uncut version of my entry—the culmination of years of thinking about one major obstacle to the sustainable-food/food-justice movement.

    —————

    To enter a farmers’ market in a U.S. city in the summer is to experience firsthand the recent revival of small-scale farming. Stand after stand offers a dazzling variety of chemical-free produce, pasture-raised meat and eggs, farmstead cheeses, and more.

    Yet in a sense, our teeming, bountiful farmers markets amount to a gloss on a food system that rewards scale and cheapness over all other factors—including quality, nutrition, ecological sustainability, social justice, and a sense of place. While farmers markets, community-supported agriculture (CSA) programs, and “locavore” restaurants have proliferated over the past decade, they still provide just a tiny portion of the calories consumed by Americans.

    Indeed, for all the foment of recent years, local and regional food networks occupy a small niche within a highly industrialized, extractive, and globe-spanning agri-food system. Moving beyond niche status will require significant investments in infrastructure that can link the growing number of small and mid-sized farms to the growing number of consumers who want to eat within their foodsheds and support ecologically sound agriculture.

    Already, the infrastructure gap is constraining the local-food movement. We see it  glaringly in the market for meat, where a widespread shortage of USDA-inspected slaughterhouses is causing supply bottlenecks and forcing farmers to “scale back on plans to expand their farms because local processors cannot handle any more animals,” as The New York Times recently reported.

    Dairy offers an even starker case. With a few companies processing the great bulk of milk consumed in the United States, processing facilities are few and far between. Most dairy farmers have little choice but to accept the miserly prices the large firms offer. Just at the time when consumers are demanding local milk from grass-fed cows, small-scale dairy farming is mired in a state of perpetual crisis: surviving farms languish under severe pressure to either scale up dramatically or exit the business altogether.

    How did we reach this pass? In short, a very few companies have managed to gain ever greater control over food processing in this country—and as they gobble market share, they shutter small facilities and consolidate operations into vast centralized factories.

    One way to measure the level of corporate consolidation is to look at the amount of market share owned by the top four firms in a given market—a metric known as CR4. In antitrust theory, when CR4 surpasses 40 percent—that is, when four firms control more than 40 percent of a market—these giant players wield unfair power to dictate terms to their suppliers (in this case, farmers).

    The University of Missouri rural sociologist Mary Hendrickson and William Heffernan track consolidation of food markets. According to their latest report , CR4 for the beef industry rose from 72 percent in 1990 to 83.5 percent in 2005. Since then, Brazilian beef giant JBS bought out that market’s third- and fifth-largest players. This means that just three companies—Tyson, Cargill, and JBS—slaughter close to 90 percent of the cows raised in this country.

    CR4 levels for pork, chicken, and turkey all exceed 50 percent—and all have risen dramatically in the past 25 years, Hendrickson and Heffernan show. Information on concentration in the dairy market is hard to come by, but we do know that a single company, Dean Foods, “bottles 33 percent of U.S. fluid milk,” according to a 2008 report from the USDA’s Economic Research Service (ERS).  In some regions, concentration is even more intense. Just two companies, Dean and Hood, bottle 90 percent of the milk produced in the northeast, the ERS report states.

    These stunning levels of concentration have translated directly to a shuttering of the far-flung network of slaughterhouses and dairy-bottling plants that once served small diversified farms and tied them to nearby consumers. According to another ERS report, the number of nationwide dairy-processing facilities plunged from 2507 in 1972 to 524 in 2002—an 80 percent wipeout in just three decades. And between 1994 and 2004, the nation surrendered 20 percent of slaughterhouses for pigs and 22 percent of those for cattle.

    As facilities close, farmers have to ship their livestock and milk longer and longer distances for processing—adding significantly to their costs and to the carbon footprint of their products (to speak nothing of the stress animals are subjected to by long trips in the back of a truck).

    The question now is, what to do about this great withering away of the means of food production? The response from conventional economists is: Let the market fix itself. If people want local, pasture-raised meat and dairy, they’ll flock to the farmers market to buy it, and farmers will take their extra profits and invest in their own facilities. But people are flocking to farmers markets; the problem is, profit margins on small-scale farming remain so tight that few farms have cash to spare on such investments.

    We’re moving towards a classic market failure: We see increasing demand for locally and sustainable grown farm products, increasing desire among farmers to meet that demand—and an infrastructural gulf separating them.

    The proper response to a market failure is government action. Libertarians and food-industry advocates will scoff; but they have to reckon with the stark fact that federal action is largely responsible for the current state of affairs. The government looked the other way while the food industry consolidated beyond any reasonable level.

    Moreover, the government has supported the meat industry through its notoriously lax enforcement of environmental code for concentrated animal feedlot operations (CAFOs). Unlike industrial waste and other major ecosystem-destroying pollutants, manure accumulated from CAFOs has for decades avoided strict government oversight, a Washington Post story recently showed. The newspaper concluded: “The Obama administration has made moves to change that but already has found itself facing off with farm interests, entangled in the contentious politics of poop.”

    Labor abuse at factory-scale slaughter facilities has also gone largely unchecked. By 2005, labor conditions in the meat-processing industry had become so routinely abysmal that Human Rights Watch—which normally focuses on monitoring foreign dictatorships—saw fit to issue a damning report.  “Meat-packing is the most dangerous factory job in America,” HRW declared. “Dangerous conditions are cheaper for companies—and the government does next to nothing.” The HRW report also documents meatpackers’ tireless efforts to crush unions.

    Then there’s the food-safety issue. The federal government has refused to regulate the use of antibiotics in industrial livestock farming. Routine, unrestrained use of antibiotics allows operators to stuff ever more animals together under unsanitary conditions, and contributes massively to the explosion of antibiotic-resistant pathogens. Federal regulators have also brushed off years of warnings by researchers that industrial hog farming provides an ideal environment for novel strains of swine flu—even after the 2009 H1N1 outbreak. Then there’s the recent bombshell from the USDA’s Inspector General, which revealed that federal inspectors knowingly allow the meat industry to release product tainted with industrial and pharmaceutical poisons.

    Finally, the most direct way the government props up the meat industry is by encouraging maximum production of corn and soy—the key components of industrial livestock feed. Most critics of agricultural subsidies denounce them as welfare for farmers. In reality, their benefits accrue mainly to the entities that turn cheap feed into meat. For most of the 1997-2005 period, farmers overproduced corn and soy to such a level that market prices fell below the cost of production. The government made up the difference with subsidies—and the meat industry benefited from a bonanza of cheap feed. According to a 2007 study by Tufts researchers, federal subsidies saved meat, dairy, and egg processors a stunning $34.7 billion in feed costs over that period—which was, as we’ve seen, a time of rapid consolidation.

    To sum: Without a cheap-corn policy and a regulatory environment that allows the meat industry to externalize billions of dollars in ecological, human-rights, and public-health messes each year, it’s highly unlikely that our food system could ever have gotten as centralized as it is now. Thus federal action (and inaction) is largely to blame for our
    infrastructure mess—and it will take federal action to fix it. The Obama administration has indicated that it will consider taking antitrust action to remedy food-industry consolidation. Despite that new-found zeal, federal antitrust authorities did not object last year when JBS, now the globe’s largest meat producer, bought Pilgrim’s Pride, the second largest U.S. poultry packer. That move gave JBS massive positions in the U.S. beef, pork, and poultry markets.

    And true, the USDA is now commendably giving grants to farmers to invest in appropriate-scale slaughter facilities. But that effort, part of the USDA’s Know Your Farmer, Know Your Food program, amounts to pennies on the dollar compared to crop subsidies or support for corn ethanol. And it seems wholly inadequate to the massive task at hand.

    If we want to see local and regional food systems expand beyond niche status—and make the bounty of the farmers market available to more than just a relative few—then we need to demand that the federal government crack down on the meat and dairy industries’ shady environmental and labor practices. And we need a serious program to reinvest in the infrastructure that has been so cavalierly dismantled—perhaps through a federal grant program funded by fines against offending corporate giants.

    Related Links:

    USDA Inspector General: meat supply routinely tainted with harmful residues

    Fred Kirschenmann, winner of NRDC’s Growing Green “Thought Leader” award

    KFC: Who needs buns when a chicken-bacon-chicken sandwich will do?






  • The “people’s climate conference” in Bolivia kicks off with ambitious aims

    by Tina Gerhardt

    TIQUIPAYA, Bolivia—This small town outside Cochabamba,
    Bolivia—where cows roam freely and campesinos grow fruit, vegetables, and flowers to sell at the local market—is a far cry
    from Copenhagen.  But it’s the latest gathering
    place in the ongoing effort to shape an effective global response to climate
    change. 

    Here, Bolivian President Evo Morales is convening the People’s World Conference on Climate Change this week, an alternative to the unwieldy and thus far unsuccessful U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change.  NGOs, scientists, activists, indigenous
    leaders, and representatives of 60 to 70 national governments are coming
    together for the event—in all, about 7,500 attendees from 110 countries. 

    The poor nations and poor people of
    the world were left out of dealings at Copenhagen, conference organizers
    argue.  “The only way to get negotiations
    back on track not just for Bolivia or other countries, but for all of life,
    biodiversity, our Mother Earth, is to put civil society back into the process,”
    said Pablo Solón, Bolivia’s delegate to the U.N.  That’s exactly what this week’s conference is
    intended to do. 

    Speakers from all walks of life
    will talk about climate justice: NASA climate scientist James Hansen; actor, director,
    and activist Danny Glover; journalist and activist Naomi
    Klein
    ; Indian environmentalist Vandana Shiva; Egidio Brunetto, a leader of
    Brazil’s Movement of Landless Rural Workers; Lumumba Di-Aping, who served as
    chief negotiator for the G77 group of developing nations at Copenhagen.

    Plenary sessions and working groups—the usual stuff of
    conferences—will be accompanied by lively cultural events and dinners.  The gathering is intended to be truly open
    and inclusive—in marked contrast to the behind-closed-doors negotiating that
    brought about the Copenhagen Accord.  The hope is that the outcomes of this
    conference can influence the next U.N. climate conference in Mexico in
    December, making it more open and fair too. 

    Morales will kick it all off with a speech on Tuesday
    morning; you might be able to catch it on a live stream.   

    What Evo Morales wants

    Morales was one of five heads of state to formally oppose the
    Copenhagen Accord. In what many are interpreting as a direct response to that
    intransigence, the U.S. recently denied
    Bolivia climate aid
    .

    To address climate change on a global level, Morales has put
    forward four suggestions:

    1.  Climate
    reparations from developed nations for developing nations

    While developed or rich nations are historically responsible
    for causing climate change through their greenhouse-gas emissions, poorer
    nations are more likely to feel the effects and are less able to fund and undertake
    changes to adapt to climate change. The idea of reparations was widely
    discussed in Copenhagen and endorsed by well-known figures like Naomi Klein as
    well as organizations like Jubilee South and Focus on the Global South. Here in
    Bolivia, villagers are demanding
    compensation for their glaciers melting
    .

    2.  An international court to prosecute transgressions
    against the environment

    The goal is to establish an International Climate Justice
    Tribunal or International Environmental Court within the U.N. framework,
    modeled on the International Court of Justice, that will seek to enforce nations’
    commitments to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions.

    Last week, international environmental lawyer Polly Higgins put
    forward a related proposal to include
    “ecocide” in the list of crimes against peace
    , so that cases could be tried
    at the International Criminal Court.  

    3.  A Universal Declaration for the Rights of
    Mother Earth

    On Earth Day 2009, Morales
    called on the U.N. General Assembly to develop such a declaration, modeled
    on the U.N. Declaration of Human Rights. 
    “One of the most important implications is that it would enable legal
    systems to maintain vital ecological balances by balancing human rights against
    the rights of other members of the Earth community,” write
    Solón and environmental lawyer Cormac Cullinan
    .

    4.  Development and transfer of clean technology

    The UNFCCC has been discussing technology transfer, and
    Morales wants to make sure it stays on the agenda, so that developed countries
    provide developing countries with the technology necessary to adapt to
    climate change and produce and use energy sustainably and efficiently.

    All this and more will get an airing at the People’s
    Conference.  Tune in later this week to
    learn how it all shakes out. 

    Related Links:

    U.S. lowers expectations for climate treaty this year

    Brazil suspends bidding for controversial dam

    Walking on Two Legs






  • Grist editor talks childfree living and population on MSNBC [VIDEO]

    by Lisa Hymas

    Today I went on MSNBC’s Dylan Ratigan Show to talk about my recent post on being a GINK: green inclinations, no kids. (For the record, I have never said, “Kids are killing the planet,” and I would never want to drag any happy parent away from their adorable newborn in the hospital nursery.)

    Related Links:

    Britain’s ‘Coed Darcy’ shows the value of sparkling new towns

    Ask Umbra on birth control, single-serve coffee, and sanitizing countertops

    Grist: hating on Don Blankenship before hating on Don Blankenship was cool






  • This Earth Day we need more than a celebration, we need a clean energy revolution

    by Dan Lashof

    This Earth Day we need more than a celebration. We need a clean energy revolution that creates 2 million jobs, cuts 2 billion tons, and saves 2 trillion dollars.

    On the 40th anniversary of the first Earth Day there is much to celebrate: Our air is cleaner and our rivers no longer catch on fire. But we can’t rest on our laurels when millions of Americans still breathe unhealthy air and the concentration of heat-trapping carbon dioxide in Earth’s atmosphere continues to rise. The next step for our environment, our economy, and our security is a comprehensive clean energy and climate bill that adds 2 million clean energy jobs, cuts pollution by 2 billion tons, and saves 2 trillion dollars worth of oil imports. That may sound like a tall order, but those benefits are within reach if Americans join together to demand action as they did on the first Earth Day.

    Senators John Kerry (D-Mass.), Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), and Joe Lieberman(I-Conn.) (KGL) have been working on a bipartisan proposal for months. They are now expected to unveil it on April 26.

    Here is what this legislation could do for our country:

    Add 2 million jobs. Comprehensive clean energy and climate legislation will create jobs for three reasons. First, enacting legislation will end more than a decade of uncertainty about the direction of U.S. policy, allowing both big energy companies and entrepreneurial start-ups to invest with confidence that the recent growth in the clean energy market will only accelerate. Second, clean energy sources generate over three times as many jobs per dollar spent than traditional fossil energy supplies. Third, building a robust domestic clean energy market will position U.S. firms to compete effectively in the rapidly expanding global clean tech arena. A University of California study found that the energy and climate bill which passed the House in June could create as many as 1.9 million jobs by 2020. The Senate only needs to do slightly better to hit the 2 million job target.

    Cut 2 billion tons. That’s the scale of global warming pollution reductions we need by 2020 to get on track to avoid the worst dangers from global warming. The only way to achieve this target is to set effective limits on carbon pollution from all major sources and tighten those limits each year. Strong complementary policies are also needed to accelerate energy efficiency improvements and ease the transition to a renewable energy economy. And supplemental policies are needed to reduce emissions from deforestation and forest degradation. Both the House bill and the climate bill reported by the Senate Environment Committee last fall meet this two billion ton test. How will KGL match up?

    Save 2 trillion dollars. That’s the reduction in the amount of money we would send overseas to import oil over the next forty years if we enact an effective clean energy/climate bill according to NRDC’s analysis. A comprehensive bill would achieve this in three ways. First, setting an overall limit on oil pollution and requiring oil companies to obtain emission permits to cover the carbon content of their products would create an incentive to shift to cleaner fuels and more efficient ways to get around that gets stronger every year. Second, setting stronger standards to reduce vehicle tailpipe emissions would continue the historic progress codified in the clean car rules that were finalized on April 1. Third, carbon dioxide captured from power plants and industrial facilities due to the pollution limits placed on those sources would be available to enhance oil production from aging oil fields in the United States without drilling in pristine areas. The Senate appears to be even more focused on increasing our energy security than the House, so there is reason for optimism on this score.

    How will we know if the KGL proposal stacks up against these benchmarks? Detailed model runs will take some time, but there are four key aspects of the legislation to focus on to make a preliminary assessment.

    Are the emission limits effective and free of loopholes? KGL have indicated that their goal is to reduce emissions 17 percent by 2020 and 80 percent by 2050, consistent with the commitments President Obama made in Copenhagen. The keys to actually achieving these targets are emission limits that comprehensively cover all major sources, strong quality controls for any offsets, and cost containment measures that maintain the effectiveness of the emission limits.

    Does the new national emission reduction program build on existing state and federal efforts? During the eight long years of Bush administration inaction the States stepped into the void and have already begun implementing emission reduction programs. They also sued EPA, leading to the Supreme Court decisions declaring that the agency does indeed have authority to regulate greenhouse gases under the Clean Air Act in its current form. EPA has issued vehicles standards and is steadily moving to exercise its authority to regulate stationary sources. While an effective new national program would become the primary driver of emission reductions it would be a mistake to eliminate the authority states and EPA currently have. As NRDC President Frances Beinecke asks in her recent post, would you fly in a plane that had no backup systems?

    Does the bill include smart clean energy policies that will create jobs quickly and accelerate the transition to an efficient renewable energy economy? Energy efficiency is the fastest and cheapest way to reduce carbon pollution. And it creates jobs for Americans all across the country that can’t be outsourced. After all, a call center in India can’t put insulation in your attic, and it’s cheaper and faster to remanufacture old inefficient windows into superefficient ones on site (as Serious Materials is doing at the Empire State Building) than it is to import windows from China. Emission limits by themselves are not sufficient to overcome the barriers to energy efficiency and ensure a steadily expanding homegrown renewable energy market. The key here is complementary standards and incentives that help individuals and companies seize the wide array of available opportunities.

    Would the bill create a foundation for an effective international agreement by demonstrating U.S. leadership, funding efforts to reduce emissions from deforestation, and helping the poorest countries adapt to impacts of global warming that can no longer be avoided? Efforts to forge an international agreement capable of preventing dangerous global warming are doomed without strong U.S. leadership, including a domestic law that reassures our partners that the president can deliver on his commitments and that the next administration can’t easily renege on them. Serious domestic emission reductions are critical, but adequate funding for international programs to curb deforestation and help poor countries deal with the consequences of global warming are also essential to seal the deal.

    Can the Senate pass a bill that delivers 2 million jobs, 2 billion tons and $2 trillion? It won’t be pretty and it won’t be perfect, but if the public demands action there are good reasons for optimism. Now that the arduous battle for healthcare reform is over, President Obama is turning his attention to comprehensive energy reform. With his leadership, combined with the bipartisan efforts of Kerry, Graham, and Lieberman and the commitment of Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, a clean energy revolution is within grasp.

    Join me for a live event with Lisa Jackson, Andy Revkin and others, April 20 at 7 p.m. Eastern to discuss what’s next for climate policy. For details and to submit a question, go to PlanetForward.org. Watch a live stream of the panel and conversation, join the chat and submit questions for the panel.

    Related Links:

    Come to the largest climate rally ever on the D.C. mall on April 25

    Deep thoughts from founder Chip Giller

    A Clean Energy Competitiveness Strategy for America






  • Interview with ‘Growing Green’ business leader Karl Kupers

    by Tom Philpott

    An April 13, the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) announced the four winners of its second annual “Growing Green” awards, which
    honor leaders in the sustainable-food world in four categories:
    “thought leader,” “producer,” business leader,” and “water steward.”
    I interviewed “thought leader” Fred Kirschenmann here. Now I turn my attention to Karl Kupers of Shepherd’s Grain, who harvested the “business leader” honors.

    ——————

    Karl Kupers of Sheherd’s Grain: leading his region’s wheat farmers out of the commodity trap. Imagine launching a career as a wheat farmer in the 1970s. As the decades wore on, you’d be excused for wondering if you hadn’t stumbled into a scene from the Book of Job.

    You’d have seen the price of your prized commodity fall steadily since you started out—until, by 2000, a bushel of wheat was trading at less than a third of the inflation-adjusted average price it fetched in the 1970s, according to this FAO report. Of course, the biofuel boom pushed up prices of all ag commodities since starting in 2007; but even today, wheat prices hover at less than half of what they were in the 1970s—even as prices of inputs like fertilizer and seeds have surged.

    With wheat prices in the dirt, you’d have two obvious choices: 1) drop out of the business and find a more profitable use for your time; or 2) or scale up, buy more land, and try to make up on volume what you’re losing on price. Of course, if you take the second option, you’ll also want to squeeze as much out of each acre as possible—and that means bigger and more gas-guzzling machines, more agrichemicals, etc.

    But there are other choices, too. One is to opt out of the commodity market, which only really cares about cheapness, and create a product that distinguishes itself by its quality. Rather than obsessing about producing more, you’d think hard about producing better—and find people willing to pay a little more for food grown with ecologically sustainable practices. And instead of the constant struggle to scale up, you’d reach out—building market power by joining forces with like-minded growers.

    In 1999, Dean Kupers and his partner Fred Feming did just that, launching Shepherd’s Grain flours in Spokane, Wash. Today, 33 certified-sustainable farmer-owners market their wheat through Shepherd’s Grain, which has earned reputation for its top-quality flours among bakers in the northwest.  Soon after news of his Growing Green award emerged, I caught up with Dean on the phone.

    ——————

    Q. Tell us a little bit about Shepherd’s Grain.

    A. The basic philosophy of Shepherd’s Grain is to reconnect the producers to the consumer, and provide an economic mechanism to support farmers who want to preserve and even improve their land for the next generation. The thing that struck me was that high levels of tillage, which was eroding our soil, had become became very the least sustainable thing we were doing out here. So that;s the first thing we focused on: giving farmers a way to transition to a system that relied much less on tillage.

    Q. Can you explain to me what your growers are doing to reduce tillage?

    A. The method is simply no till. Nature doesn’t till. Unfortunately, when people came to these parts [the Northwest] they were able to till the soil and release all of that natural nutrient capacity. And we just kept at it for the next 140 years. And using tillage, you eventually reduce and in some cases eliminate the growing capacity of the soil.

    When we first tried no-till here in the ‘70s, it struggled—primarily because it was still being dealt with in a monocultured system. And we now know that to be successful, no-till needs much greater diversity in the system.

    Q. By diversity, are you talking about cover crops or other species besides wheat?

    A. Yes, the latter. We’re actually working towards developing more along the cover crop idea as well.  But the key is diversity. It’s simple. You go to your ecosystem where you live and you go find a native piece of ground that’s never been touched and you do an inventory of the plant material there. Nature’s telling you what works well in the rotation. So that’s all you’re doing is mimicking nature at that point with your rotation and you select species that do well in your ecosystem.

    Q. When I think of no-till today, I think of “chemical no-till”—the practice of using crops genetically modified to withstand herbicides. Instead of tilling to control weeds, you just douse fields with agrichemicals. Of course, there is no GM what. How do you guys avoid tillage?

    A. Well, we still use herbicides, but we focus in minimizing them. We’re very aware of the resistance problem with Roundup. We don’t want to use it anymore than necessary. We also know that in addition to rotating crops, you also have to rotate your herbicides; you can’t rely on just one.

    But the real key in a natural system is understanding that your soil is your true resource and the microbes in the soil are your lifeblood. That’s the first thing. You make sure you’re doing nothing to harm the microbial population, and you’re doing everything to enhance that microbial population.

    Q. I’m guessing Shepard’s Grain flour sells at a premium to faceless, place-less commodity flour.

    A. Well, I’m always hesitant to use the word “premium.” But with Shepard’s Grain, we went from being a “price taker,” which is what farmers are in a commodity market, to having a little more power to set our prices in the marketplace. If you’re truly going to be sustainable, you’ve got to cover your cost of production, and the commodity market has no correlation to that today.

     

    Related Links:

    The Climate Post: Why isn’t the Keeling Curve more famous?

    Fred Kirschenmann, winner of NRDC’s Growing Green “Thought Leader” award

    Ask Umbra’s Book Club: Is eating animals eating you?






  • The sweetener lobby: still a powerhouse in the school lunch debate

    by Ed Bruske

    For the sweetener industry, shovelling empty calories to your kids has been very, very good business. They’d prefer not to stop. “Healthy Schools” legislation written by D.C. Councilmember Mary Cheh comes up for its first committee vote today after months of deliberations and with one very conspicuous missing element: no regulation of sugar in school meals. 

    Removing the astonishing amount of sugar served to D.C. school children every day is probably the quickest and cheapest way to make school meals healthier. But you won’t see any of that in the “Healthy Schools” legislation. How can that be, you might ask, when kids are being served 15 or more teaspoons of sugar every day for breakfast at school: strawberry milk the equivalent of Mountain Dew, candied cereals containing three or more teaspoons of sugar per serving, Pop-Tarts, juices that might as well be sodas. 

    A teaspoon of sugar contains 16 calories, meaning the breakfast described above contains 240 calories worth of sugar, or 44 percent of the 550 calories the “Healthy Schools” bill sets as the maximum total breakfast calories D.C. school children through eighth grade should be consuming. 

    Truth is, federal regulations that govern school food programs contain no limits on sugar in subsidized meals. Consequently, according to a top legislative aide involved in writing the “Healthy Schools” bill, there were no standards on which to base a limit on sugar for meals served in the District of Columbia. 

    “We certainly have heard the concerns that you and others have expressed about sugar in school meals, but we haven’t seen any guidance about how to regulate it,” the aide said. “Neither the Healthier U.S. [School Challenge] nor the IOM [Institute of Medicine] standards have recommendations for limiting sugar in school meals.  (The IOM notes, on page 52, that “By far the largest contributors to the intakes of added sugars (45 percent of the total amount) were regular soda and non-carbonated sweetened drinks,” which are heavily restricted under the HSA.)  Therefore, there does not seem to be any guidance about how to do it.” 

    And what about flavored milk served at breakfast and lunch in D.C. schools? Chocolate milk contains the same amount of sugar as Classic Coke, and strawberry milk nearly as much as Mountain Dew.  The strawberry milk contains 28 grams of sugar—about seven teaspoons—or 112 calories. That represents 66 percent of the 170 total calories in the one-cup containers routinely handed out in D.C. schools for breakfast and lunch. 

    “Regarding flavored milk, we do understand your concerns, but we have also heard concerns from other nutritionists who say that milk is important for child development and that even if the milk is flavored it is better for children to drink flavored milk than to drink no milk at all,” the aide said. “We are not nutritionists and have no way to resolve this debate.  Therefore, we are choosing to use this bill to set the floor for school nutrition and then to empower OSSE [Office of the State Superintendent of Education] and schools to set higher standards—to ban flavored milk and other things if they so choose.” 

    In fact, there is no scientific body of evidence indicating that children who are not offered a flavored milk option either drink less milk or are deprived of important nutrients. That seems to be more of an assumption encouraged by the dairy industry, which counts on flavored milk for a large portion of its sales.  

    Still, how can it be that the federal meals program, in existence since 1946, has no standard to govern the use of sugar in school meals, especially at a time when child obesity and attendant diseases such as diabetes are such a concern? I asked Marion Nestle, a prominent nutritionist and author of  Food Politics.  

    “Here’s the short answer: Sugar industry lobbying,” Nestle said.   

    What she added is worth quoting at length:

    Sugars were never a problem when schools were reasonably well supported in part because competitive foods were reasonably well regulated and in part because snacks were too.  All that changed when schools ran out of money and had to start pushing snacks and sodas in order to fill the budget gap.  Nobody paid much attention to what kids were eating—until recently.   

    No federal agency has ever set a maximum for sugar intake although dietary advice for years all over the world has been to limit sugars to 10% or less of daily calories.  That percentage was embedded in the recommendations of the 1992 USDA Pyramid which said, “Use sugars only in moderation.”  USDA defined “moderation” as 6 teaspoons a day of total added sugars for a diet containing 1600 calories, 12 tsp for 2200, and 18 tsp for 2800.  If you do the math (assume that a tsp is 4 grams and 16 calories), this comes to less than 10% of daily calories.  But the Pyramid did not say so explicitly.  That’s just how it works out.  “Some years later, in developing the new Dietary Reference Intakes, the Institute of Medicine recommended 25% of calories from added sugars as an upper limit.   

    In the early 2000s, the World Health Organization attempted to set an upper limit of 10% of calories from added sugars to its global strategy for health.  U.S. sugar lobbying groups went berserk and got the attorney for the Department of Health and Human Services to write a letter to WHO threatening to withdraw U.S. funding if that recommendation was not eliminated.  The controversial figure disappeared.   

    The bottom line: no standard of intake exists so anything goes.  My understanding is that sugars not only pervade the meals, but also treats given out by teachers and brought in by parents for birthdays.   “The one bright side is that the reauthorization of the Child Nutrition Act contains provisions to revisit the standards for school meals based on the Dietary Guidelines that will be coming out later this year. These, hopefully, will refer to a recent IOM report developing new school meals standards for the USDA.

    The IOM found that children’s consumption of “discretionary” calories from solid fat—as from hamburgers and pizza—and sugar “were much higher than the amounts specified” by the federal food pyramid. For children aged nine to 13, for instance, the excess averaged 543 calories, or about a third of the total daily calories recommended for children in that age group.

    But rather than address sugar directly, the Institute of Medicine panel took a back-door approach: increasing the amount of “healthy” foods in school meals and setting a maximum on calories served in school meals would drive down the amount of calories from sugar, the panel reasoned. “The committee notes that its approach to developing the standards for menu planning leaves relatively few discretionary calories for added sugars and saturated fat,” the report reads. 

    But with “careful menu planning,” the panel suggests, schools would still have enough of those discretionary calories to make room for flavored milk and sugary cereals. “The omission of those sweetened foods might result in decreased student participation as well as in reduced nutrient intakes.” 

    Nestle calls this last statement by the IOM committee “a sellout. I’ve been in plenty of schools where the kids eat unsweetened foods and are doing just fine.  Those schools are run by adults who care what kids eat.  Kids will eat foods prepared by adults who care, as witnessed by Jamie Oliver.” 

    Although Cheh’s original “Healthy Schools” bill embraced the proposed IOM standards, she abandoned them after school officials said they could not guarantee schools would be able to serve additional vegetables that kids would actually eat and not throw in the trash. The bill now adopts less stringent standards under the “Healthier U.S. Schools Challenge” sponsored by the USDA. Those standards likewise do not address the issue of sugar in school meals. 

    Nestle said the best hope may be if Congress, in its pending re-authorization of the Child Nutrition Act, requires that schools adhere to the government’s own Dietary Guidelines for Americans. Those call for no more than two to eight teaspoons of sugar per day for discretionary calories, according to Nestle. 

    “The USDA [food] Pyramid allows 200-300 discretionary calories a day for fats and sugars.  That’s less than 10 percent of calories, and still not bad,” Nestle said.

    Related Links:

    USDA Inspector General: meat supply routinely tainted with harmful residues

    Scenes from a school cafeteria [slideshow]

    What I learned at Michelle Obama’s historic obesity summit






  • Prez steals, owes fines

    by Jen Harper

    OK, so you couldn’t tell a lie, Georgie boy, but apparently
    you made no bones about stealing a couple of library books and not paying your
    fines. Gasp! That’s right, Pres. George Washington was just as big a fan of the library as Ask Umbra (woot for reusing, Mr. Prez); however, according
    to an old ledger book (and Boing
    Boing
    ), Washington checked out two books from the New York
    Society Library in October 1789—one on international law and one a transcript
    of debates in the British House of Commons—and never returned them. His
    inflation-adjusted fines are now more than $100,000.

    “We’re not actively pursuing the overdue fines,”
    said head librarian Mark Bartlett, “but we would be very happy if we were
    able to get the books back.”

    That’s quite the different tune than Jerry Seinfeld got from
    library investigations officer Mr. Bookman for not returning Henry Miller’s Tropic of Cancer in 1971:

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    Like what you see? Sign up to receive The Grist List, our email roundup of pun-usual green news just like this, sent out every Friday.

    Related Links:

    Ask Umbra on food dehydrators, cage-free and free-range poultry, and e-readers

    Climate change denier Lord Monckton tries on a new conspiracy theory

    From tobacco to climate change, ‘merchants of doubt’ undermined the science






  • Come to the largest climate rally ever on the D.C. mall on April 25

    by Denis Hayes

    Guest blogger Denis Hayes was national coordinator for the first Earth Day in
    1970, and director of the federal Solar Energy Research Institute from 1979 to
    1981. He is now president of the Bullitt Foundation and international chair of
    Earth Day 2010. Find out about the Earth Day big rally in Washington, D.C., as
    well as other actions you can take, at the Earth Day Network website.

    Earth Day Network is organizing a huge event on the Mall
    in Washington D.C. on April 25. The goal is to demand tough, effective
    climate legislation and a swift transition away from 19th century
    energy sources.

    “So what?” you may be asking yourself. There have been a lot of
    climate rallies over the last 25 years and Congress still hasn’t
    managed to pass a law. Why should I come to this one?

    Let me count the ways …

    Size

    Past climate rallies have generally run from a few dozen people to a
    couple thousand. On Sunday, April 25, energy and climate activists from
    New England to the Carolinas will gather together to find new friends
    and allies at largest climate rally ever. We are coming together to
    move beyond education; to demand change; and to make it clear there
    will be political consequences of Congress doesn’t act.

    Inspiration and direction

    You will hear from:
    Climate scientists like James Hansen, and Stephen Schneider.
    EPA chief (and heroine!) Lisa Jackson and CEQ Chair Nancy Sutley
    Cultural leaders like James Cameron (Avatar; Titanic) and Margaret Atwood (The Handmaid’s Tale; The Blind Assassin)
    Top business executives from Siemens, Phillips, UL, Future Friendly, and SunEdison
    Top labor leaders, including the President of the AFL-CIO and Secretary of the SEIU.
    Progressive activists, including Jesse Jackson, Lydia Camarillo, and Hilary Shelton
    Climate policy gurus like Joe Romm, Phaedra Ellis-Lamkins, and Rafael Fantauzzi
    Spiritual leaders, including Rev. Theresa Thames, Rev. Richard Cizik, and Rabbi Warren Stone
    Athletes like Dhani Jones, Aaron Peirsol, and Billy Demong
    Environmentalists like Bobby Kennedy and Phillipe Cousteau

    Entertainment

    In between the speakers we will hear from some of the most committed
    artists in the nation, including Sting, John Legend, The Roots, Willie
    Colon, Passion Pit, Bob Weir, Jimmy Cliff, Joss Stone, Booker T, The
    Honor Society, Mavis Staples …

    Intensity

    In 1970, I told huge Earth Day crowds in Washington, DC, Chicago,
    and New York: “We won’t appeal anymore to the conscience of
    institutions because institutions have no conscience. If we want them
    to do what is right, we must make them do what is right. We will use
    proxy fights, lawsuits, demonstration, research, boycotts, and-above
    all-ballots … If we let this become just a fad, it will be our last
    fad.”

    Earth Day organizers created a Dirty Dozen campaign that made “the
    environment” a voting issue in the 1970 elections. One of the seven
    Congressmen we defeated that fall was George Fallon, chairman of the
    House Public Works Committee: the “pork” committee. THAT got their
    attention. If Chairman Fallon was vulnerable, everyone in politics was
    vulnerable.

    Over the next three years, despite fierce opposition from the most
    powerful vested interests in the land, Congress passed the Clean Air
    Act, the Clean Water Act, the Endangered Species Act, and a half-dozen
    other far-reaching laws that have utterly transformed the way America
    does business.

    Now we must do it again.

    What is the goal?

    Humanity must swiftly abandon dirty energy sources and switch to
    safe, clean, decentralized, renewable energy sources like solar, wind,
    and geothermal. The world, led by America, must abandon the appallingly
    inefficient way it uses energy and swiftly embrace the most efficient
    new housing, transport, and industrial processes that exist. We
    Americans must slash our politically risky and economically
    catastrophic dependence on the oil wealth of nations that don’t like us
    very much.

    A necessary-though not sufficient-common denominator is to
    establish a price on carbon that reflects the costs of climate
    disruption, blowing the tops off mountains, and acidifying the world’s
    oceans. We must place a firm cap with no loopholes on the amount
    of carbon fuels we consume each year and ratchet that cap down at a
    prescribed rate every year in the future until we hit something very
    close to zero.

    Only a federal law can accomplish this goal.

    If this were easy, we would have begun a quarter century ago. The
    junk science, climate-denying interest groups are rich, powerful, and
    ruthless. But sooner or later they will lose.

    Sooner is better

    They will lose for the same reason that IBM and Control Data lost to
    Microsoft, Apple, and Dell. They will lose for the same reason that Ma
    Bell—the most powerful monopoly in the world—lost to cellular upstarts
    and internet-telephony. They lost because their thinking was anchored
    in the past instead of envisioning the future

    The junk science, climate-disruption-denying interest groups
    will lose because 19th century answers won’t solve 21st century
    problems.

    Come to the Mall

    At some point, this climate-disrupting madness has to start to stop.
    Come to the Mall between the Capitol Building and the White House on
    Sunday, April 25. Bring your spouse, your parents, your kids, your
    neighbors, your friends, your co-workers, your congregation, your
    bowling league. Vote with your bodies on April 25 at the largest
    climate rally ever.

    And put our political leaders on notice that you will vote with your ballot a few months later!

    Related Links:

    Deep thoughts from founder Chip Giller

    The Perils of ‘Green Watching’

    Graham doesn’t want climate bill associated with Earth Day






  • Betting on change

    by Clive Thompson

    .series-head{background:url(http://www.grist.org/i/assets/climate_desk/header.gif) no-repeat; height:68px; text-indent:-9999px;} h3.subscribe-head{padding-left:5px;background-color:black;color:#ff8400;} dl.series-nav{margin-top:-15px;}

     

    Last year, Beluga Shipping discovered that there’s money in global warming.

    Beluga is a German firm that specializes in “super heavy lift” transport. Its vessels are equipped with massive cranes, allowing it to load and unload massive objects, like multi-ton propeller blades for wind turbines. It is an enormously expensive business, but last summer, Beluga executives hit upon an interesting way to save money: Shipping freight over a melting Arctic.

    Beluga had received contracts to send materials on a sprawling trip that would begin in Ulsan, South Korea, head north and west to the Russian port city of Archangelsk—located near the border with Finland—and wind up in Nigeria. Normally, this route requires Beluga’s ships to navigatea 11,000-mile route through the Suez Canal. But in 2008, executives for Beluga Shipping decided that global warming had eroded the Arctic’s summer sea ice significantly enough that their ships could travel the Northeast Passage [PDF] along the north coast of Russia. Previously,a cargo ship could only safely navigate that route if an icebreaker went ahead, smashing a route through thick ice.

    Now, a warming climate had—for six to eight weeks beginning in July—transformed much of the route into mostly open water, studded with ice floes that the Beluga ships could navigate. So its executives got permission from the Russian government to travel along the coast, paid a transit fee of “a comparably moderate five-digit figure,” and sent the ships on their way. Four months later, they’d finished the trip. Compared to the old Suez Canal journey, this shorter route saved an enormous pile of money: It cost $300,000 less per ship in lower fuel and bunker costs. Global warming had boosted the company’s revenues by more than half a billion dollars in one year alone.

    When I interviewed Beluga CEO Niels Stolberg via email this spring, he said he envisions using the Northeast Passage regularly. Indeed, he’s planning on another trip this summer. He said that since the shorter passage requires generating far less C02, it’s “greener”; it’s also more ironic, since it was high concentrations of C02 that helped melt the route in the first place.

    “I am convinced,” Stolberg added, “that the Arctic will become an area of quite regular sea traffic at least during summer.”

    If you looked merely at the realm of politics, it would be easy to believe that the question “Is climate change really happening?” is still unresolved. In recent months, skeptics have attacked climate science with renewed vigor. Doubters seized on “Climategate”—leaked emails from bickering atmospheric scientists—to argue that the evidence in favor of warming is being cooked. Other skeptics unearthed shoddy parts of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s main report, such as the fact that it cited non-peer-reviewed work by an activist group when it predicted that the Himalayan glaciers would melt by 2035. And all along, conservative politicians have hissingly denounced global warming as a shady liberal scheme: Senator James Inhofe of Oklahoma has famously called it “the greatest hoax ever perpetrated on the American people.” These attacks appear to be working. A spring Gallup study found that Americans’ concern over global warming peaked two years ago, and has steadily declined since.

    But there’s one area where doubt hasn’t grown—and where, indeed, people are more and more certain that climate change is not only real, but imminent: The world of industry and commerce.

    Companies, of course, exist to make money. That’s often what makes them seem so rapacious. But their primal greed also plants them inevitably in the “reality-based community.” If a firm’s bottom line is going to be affected by a changing climate—say, when its supply chains dry up because of drought, or its real estate gets swamped by sea-level rise—then it doesn’t particularly matter whether or not the executives want to believe in climate change. Railing at scientists for massaging tree-ring statistics won’t stop the globe from warming if the globe is actually, you know, warming. The same applies in reverse, as the folks at Beluga Shipping adroitly realized: If there are serious bucks to be made from the changing climate, then the free market is almost certainly going to jump at it.

    This makes capitalism a curiously bracing mechanism for cutting through ideological haze and manufactured doubt. Politicians or pundits can distort or cherry-pick climate science any way they want to try and gain temporary influence with the public. But any serious industrialist who’s facing “climate exposure”—as it’s now called by money managers—cannot afford to engage in that sort of self-delusion. Spend a couple of hours wandering through the websites of various industrial associations—aluminum manufacturers, real-estate agents, wineries, agribusinesses, take your pick—and you’ll find straightforward statements about the grim reality of climate change that wouldn’t seem out of place coming from Greenpeace. Last year Wall Street analysts issued 214 reports assessing the potential risks and opportunities that will come out of a warming world. One by McKinsey & Co. argued that climate change will shake up industries with the same force that mobile phones reshaped communications.

    Consider, as one colorful example, the skiing industry. Beginning ten years ago, the Aspen Skiing Company began noticing that European ski lodges were being slowly destroyed by warmer weather. Europe’s ski resorts tend to be located on lower mountains—about 6,000-8,000 feet high, compared to American peaks up around 11,000 feet—so they’re vulnerable to even extremely tiny increases in global temperature. The 2 percent rise in the 20th century was enough “to put a lot of them out of business,” says Auden Schendler, executive director of sustainability for the Aspen Skiing Company, which operates two resorts spread across four mountains.

    But now Aspen’s own season is getting shorter: “More balmy Novembers, more rainy Marches,” Schendler says. “That’s what we’re seeing, and that’s what the science suggests would happen. If you graph frost-free days, there are more and more in the last 30 years.” Climate-change models also predict warmer nights. Aspen Skiing has noticed that happening too, and the problem here is that nighttime is when ski lodges use their water-spraying technology to make snow—“and if you make it when it’s warmer it’s exponentially more expensive.” The increasing volatility of weather overall—another prediction of climate change—poses a particular danger for ski resorts, because they operate in the red most of the year, making up their deficit during the ultra busy spring break in March. So if the weather is terrific for the entire winter but suddenly balmy during March break, that can ruin the whole fiscal year.

    Schendler has also learned firsthand a point that climate scientists have been making for some time: With climate change, “warming” isn’t the only—or even the most serious—challenge. The sheer interdependence of complex ecosystems systems can grease you. For example, recent droughts in Utah have kicked up red dust clouds that settle on Aspen’s snow. This makes the snow melt more quickly (because the red absorbs more heat from the sun) while also making it too gritty to ski on.

    Are all Aspen Skiing’s recent weather problems caused by global warming? It’s impossible to tell. But as Schendler notes, the last few years certainly mimic the precise effects that climate models predict, so it is at least a taste of what’s to come. During a recent dust storm on Aspen’s slopes, Schendler’s boss wandered into his office looking morose. “He said, ‘Auden, if climate change is the scary thing for the future, this is the apocalypse now. What if you get this in March?’‘’ Schendler recalls.

    Now, all this tricky weather hasn’t exactly destroyed Aspen Skiing; the firm could probably survive even worse stuff. The top of the mountain is so high “we can ski it in 50 years and it’ll be great,” Schendler notes. But it could certainly erode Aspen’s profits, and Colorado would suffer: The ski industry overall is a $2 billion business for the state, employing fully 8 percent of the workforce.So to try and preserve its profit margins, the Aspen Skiing Company has recently become a loud voice in favor of congressional action on the climate. In 2007, Schendler testified before the House Subcommittee on Energy and the Environment, calling for a cap on carbon emissions—among other things.

    “Our attitude when we go to Congress is, look, we’re a business!” he adds. “We didn’t ask for this. We just started looking at the data and the science dispassionately and said, look, we’ve got a problem.”

    Another industry that can’t pretend climate change is a myth is insurance. Insurance firms have always carefully studied real-world data to figure out what, precisely, constitutes a risky activity. As a result, they were among the first to notice that weather was getting more violent, and more unpredictably so.

    “It’s just a logical consequence,” says Peter Hoppe, head of the “Geo Risks Research” division of Munich Re, the multinational reinsurance firm. “Global warming affects our core business. We have seen changes already in some readings.” Worldwide, Munich Re has found that “great catastrophes”—act-of-god weather events that cause more than a billion dollars of damage— have tripled since 1950. In 2008, even though there weren’t any Katrina-level disasters, weather-related events were so severe that “catastrophic losses” to the world’s economy were the third-highest in recorded history, topping $200 billion globally—including $40 billion in the United States. Hoppe doesn’t think global warming is all to blame; some of these events are likely due to natural cycles like the 30-year “North Atlantic Oscillation” that is currently warming the Atlantic. But Munich Re’s policy is that anthropogenic global warming is already making things worse, and that governments ought to act quickly while they still can.

    Granted, a warming globe isn’t just downside for insurance firms. There are also profitable new business opportunities, as Hoppe points out. Munich Re is now offering coverage for renewable energy products, because wind farms and solar parks need insurance against the possibility that low wind and weak sunlight will reduce their output. “It’s very important for investors to dampen and level out the volatility from season to season,” Hoppe says. Munich Re has also developed a product to cover solar cells that wear out before their expected 30-year lifetime.

    Buying insurance against bad weather isn’t entirely new. Farmers have done it for years. But back in the late ‘90s, before Enron imploded, it created a huge new market of selling “weather futures” to electric utilities—hedges that would pay out if, say, a mild summer hurt their sales (because people would use less air conditioning.) After Enron pancaked, weather futures stayed around—still mostly for utilities and farms—but buying them wasn’t easy: You had to personally contact one of the few weather-futures traders who’d set up their own trading desks in the wake of Enron’s dissolution. But with climate-change models predicting increasingly erratic weather, a new generations of startups is heading into the field, figuring that almost any firm might want to hedge against the bad economic effects of weather—such as clothing manufacturers (who could suffer massive losses in coat sales if an unexpectedly mild winter emerges) airlines (since weather is the top cause of delays) or sporting-event promoters (when it’s rainy, everyone stays away).

    Weatherbill is one such startup. Founded three and a half years ago by Google expatriates, it lets anyone use their website to quickly create weather insurance for almost anything. Type in the thing you’re trying to insure—say, an Iowa county fair in the third week of July—and the Weatherbill system calculates the probability of what the local weather will be like up to two years out, down to a 100-mile-wide area. It then uses that guess to instantly price a weather future or insurance contract. CEO Dave Friedberg told me Weatherbill had already sold contracts to the likes of the US Open, and that he envisions worldwide opportunities: Global agriculture suffers billions in weather-related losses each year, for example, yet many countries don’t have any institutions offering easy weather insurance. That’s especially true for countries likely to be the first to experience the dire consequences of climate change, such as coastal regions of Asia or Latin America.

    “If you think about Brazil, their two biggest industries are mining and agriculture,” Friedberg says. “That’s billions of dollars, and there’s a massive market for developing crop insurance. If we can figure out agriculture and do it right, the opportunity is huge to go country by country.” Does he believe that global warming is already noticeable? “Oh yeah,” he says. In just the three years that Weatherbill has been collecting data, extreme weather events have risen 8 percent.

    One of the big political questions of climate change is how far we’ve gone: Have we passed a tipping point of no return? Has the atmosphere already accumulated such high levels of greenhouse gases that even if we manage to cut back on emissions, we’ll still wind up with a globe so much hotter that everyday life will change significantly? One emerging sector built on the assumption that we have is the “adaptation marketplace”— firms offering new products and services to help companies and cities cope with changes. A 2009 study by Oxfam identified seven potentially lucrative adaptation areas, such as water management and disaster preparation; one firm in this field—the Minneapolis-based Pentair Inc., which makes pumps and filtration systems—has soared to $3.35 billion in annual revenues, partly due to contracts from the Army Corps of Engineers to provide massive pumps that will protect New Orleans against another Katrina. Another firm, North Carolina’s WeatherPredict, has developed a technique to retrofit roofs with aerodynamic edges, reducing the damage they sustain in hurricane winds. Firms that produce genetically engineered crops are also predicting they’ll reap profits from climate change: Monsanto, Bayer, BASF, and their sister firms have registered 55 worldwide patents for “climate ready” seeds designed to thrive in conditions of drought or other stress, according to a 2008 report by ETC Group, an environmental advocacy organization.

    Will all this climate-propelled economic activity be good for the planet? Sure, it can be satisfying to see some major CEOs agree that climate change is a real and present danger. But many environmentalists predict that the flurry of new economic activity will create its own new problems.

    The melting Arctic, in particular, gives many observers the willies. It’s likely to see an explosion in seabed oil-and-gas exploration and tourism. (Cargo shipping, interestingly, is likely to increase at a slower rate, partly because cargo ships ferrying “just in time” products can’t abide the delays that even small ice floes would cause—and nobody thinks the Arctic will be entirely ice-free for 100 years or more.) Arctic experts—and the Navy—predict a catastrophe the first time a tourist vessel or oil tanker hits an iceberg and cracks up. “Tourist vessels aren’t ice-hardened, and in the polar regions “there’s no search and rescue or salvage,” standing by says Lawson Brigham, a University of Alaska professor who chaired the Arctic Marine Shipping Assessment, a four-year study of how the commercial activity will progress in the warming north. “The water’s near freezing. All you need is one good Titanic.”

    Other realms of climate-change commerce aren’t much prettier when you look at them closely. In agriculture, the advent of climate-ready crops is clearly useful, maybe even crucial, for adaption. But it also concentrates ever more power in the hands of a small coterie of firms that own the patents to drought-resistant seeds, and the cost could cause serious hardship in the desperately poor countries of Asia or Africa, where the seeds might be most needed.

    And it’s also true that the number of climate visionaries in industry is still quite small. Certainly, companies with skin in the game are preparing for a warmer world. But as the McKinsey report found, they’re in the minority. The grand majority are deeply myopic, focused narrowly on goosing profits in the next quarter—who cares what’ll happen ten years from now? (Read Felix Salmon what makes most businesses so shortsighted here.) In a sense, that makes them mildly agnostic force. When climate change finally does impinge on their business, they’ll probably take action to adapt to it. But it also means that if they can see a short-term profit from fighting against climate science and sowing doubt, they’ll do that, too. This is precisely what’s still happening in the energy industry, where many firms that pay lip service to the reality of climate change also quietly funnel millions to lobbyists who fight ferociously to prevent Congress from passing laws that curtail C02 emissions.

    “We all know big companies who are doing all this green stuff, and their lobbyists are trying to kill the carbon bill as quickly as they can,” says Mindy Lubber, president of Boston-based CERES, an association of environment-minded investors whose members have $10 trillion under management.

    It may be that the corrective force comes not from inside corporations, but from investors. Many large investors, the California State Teachers’ Retirement System—the nation’s second largest public-pension fund—have begun demanding that firms examine and disclose any potential risks from global warming. Shareholder resolutions demanding action on climate change have nearly doubled in the last two years, rising from about 55 in 2007 to 99 in 2009, Lubber notes. In February, the Securities and Exchange Commission issued guidelines requiring that publicly traded firms better disclose their climate-change risk, including potential “physical” risks. (Read a live Grist forum on the new SEC regulations here .)

    “Anyone that’s building out new manufacturing facilities without working out water shortages related to climate change is getting itself into trouble,” Lubber adds. “Or anyone that’s building on waterfront property.” Another common request from shareholder resolutions is for companies to calculate the cost of their carbon footprint. Even if electric utilities and the US Chamber of Commerce are fighting against carbon-limiting legislation, investors seem to believe it is inevitable—indeed, they evidently think the government might cap carbon even in the next few years, which could dramatically increase the cost of electricity.

    To make corporations true partners in tackling climate change, Lubber thinks investors need to push for basic changes in the way their companies function. CEOs whose bonuses are based on bumping next-quarter results will make short-term decisions. Those who are paid based on reducing carbon usage will make long-term ones—investing in technology and processes that reduce greenhouse gases. “If they’re compensated for producing 86 percent more widgets, they’ll do that. But if they use less fuel, they ought to be compensated for meeting their carbon-reduction goals.”

    In the short run, though, there’s probably only one force that will get today’s blithe firms to snap to attention–and that’s legislation. If Congress actually puts a price on carbon, it’ll hit the world of industry with tsunamic force. At minimum, it would probably goose the price of electricity and make emissions-heavy industries instantly less profitable. (Indeed, this is one of the things the SEC and many investor groups are urging firms to do: calculate how badly they’ll be shellacked if new regulations make carbon expensive.) Not everyone will be a loser. The McKinsey study calculated that alternative-energy firms will do quite well (for obvious reasons), but so will less-predictable sectors like the construction industry, as people rush to retrofit buildings with extra insulation and energy-saving rebuilds. The farsighted firms—and the ones who work on the colder fringes of the world—can see the future clearly, because they’re living it. But with the stroke of a pen, Obama can bring it a lot closer. Whether it’s a melting Arctic or a bold new law, the biggest forces shaping industry are, as it were, man-made.

     

    Related Links:

    Corporations love to talk about going green, but not many are planning for a changing climate

    The Climate Desk

    Abercrombie & Fitch + Weight Watchers Make the CRO Black List (VIDEO)






  • Corporations love to talk about going green, but not many are planning for a changing climate

    by Felix Salmon

    .series-head{background:url(http://www.grist.org/i/assets/climate_desk/header.gif) no-repeat; height:68px; text-indent:-9999px;} h3.subscribe-head{padding-left:5px;background-color:black;color:#ff8400;} dl.series-nav{margin-top:-15px;}

    About a decade ago, Miguel Torres planted 104
    hectares of pinot noir grapes in the Spanish Pyrenees, 3,300 feet above sea
    level. It’s cold up there and not much good for grapes—at least not these
    days. But Torres, the head of one of Spain’s foremost wine families, knows that the climate is changing.

    His company’s scientists reckon that the Rioja wine
    region could be unviable within 40 to 70 years, as temperatures increase and
    Europe’s wine belt moves north by up to 25 miles per decade. Other winemakers
    are talking about growing grapes as far north as Scandinavia and southern
    England.

    Torres’ Pyrenees vineyards are a hedge and may
    not be necessary. But if climate change redraws the map of Europe’s wine world,
    he will be prepared. And his company will be one of a very few taking steps to
    adapt to the future effects of climate change.

    How companies are preparing for these changes is a
    pressing topic, but when I agreed to write this piece I knew I was no expert. I
    set out to educate myself by posting open requests on my finance blog at
    Reuters
    , asking my eager-to-comment audience of business wonks to
    tell me stories of how big corporations are getting ready.

    The idea was that my readers and other bloggers
    would cheerfully provide me with examples of how companies are preparing for
    the downsides—not to mention the opportunities—of climate change. I braced
    myself for the inevitable barrage of responses; what I got was a shocking lack
    of evidence that the corporate sector is doing much of anything.

    Most companies seem to focus solely on mitigating
    changes to the climate: reducing carbon emissions, improving environmental
    sustainability, and striving to be an enlightened steward of the planet.
    Adaptation is the opposite, more pessimistic approach: It is about ensuring
    survival in the exceedingly likely event that climate change occurs.

    The U.S. government is trying to create
    incentives for businesses and their investors to plan ahead. Newly issued SEC regulations mandate that any material risk
    connected to climate change has to be revealed, in an attempt to bring these
    issues out into the open and to allow investors to compare the ways that
    companies see climate risks and adapt their strategies accordingly.

    There are, to be sure, a few examples of
    corporations that are treating climate change as an ominous reality, or even as
    an opportunity. The biggest funders of Brazilian agricultural projects, state-owned
    banks BNDES and Banco do Brasil, are looking carefully at whether it makes
    sense to support projects which might not be viable in 20 or 30 years’ time. Agribusiness
    giants like Cargill and Monsanto are developing hardier crops, global shipping firms
    are planning for an ice-free Arctic passage [Clive link TK], and power company TransAlta
    has scrapped potential new plants in the American West because it couldn’t
    ensure that water rights would be available for the next 40 years.

    But those are at the margins. In the mainstream
    business world, climate change adaptation strategies are scant. The reasons for
    inaction are sometimes simple, but also counter-intuitively complex.

    Start with the superficial: Adaptation strategies
    have essentially zero PR value. They
    have nothing to do with saving the planet. Instead, they’re all about trying to
    thrive if and when the planet starts to fall apart. That’s not something any
    savvy company wants to trumpet to the world.

    Then there is the mismatch of time horizons. Climate change takes place over decades,
    and corporate timescales generally max out in the five to seven year range. Businesses
    typically won’t spend significant money planning beyond that period, especially
    because the effects on business models and future profitability are so
    difficult to predict.

    It’s easy to talk about how hotel companies with
    coastal property might have to face more hurricanes, or rising sea levels. But
    it’s quite hard to know what is going to happen to any given beachfront resort with
    a sufficiently high degree of certainty.
    Given the enormous amount of variability in any complex model, if a company
    spent a lot of money carefully mitigating the risk of X, it could end up
    getting blindsided by Y instead.

    “There are very difficult models to develop,
    with more rain here, less rain there,” says Andy Hoffman, associate director of
    the Erb Institute for Global Sustainable Enterprise at the University of
    Michigan.

    Finally, even if the effects of climate change
    are foreseeable, they can be impossible
    to hedge
    .

    Say you’re an electronics manufacturer who is
    pretty sure that climate change is going to wallop Bolivia, resulting in political
    unrest and a spike in the price of lithium. All your devices run on lithium
    batteries, so this is a serious risk, but it’s far from obvious what you can do
    about it. It’s silly to start stockpiling lithium, and you can’t even bet on
    rising lithium prices 10 years from now, since it’s not a metal that is heavily
    traded in the futures markets. Essentially all that you can do is be very clear
    about the risk in your SEC filings, and go about your business as normal. And identifying
    a risk is not the same thing as being able to negate it.

    A classic business hedging strategy is to buy
    insurance. Reinsurance companies have expensive and sophisticated
    climate-change models. Pricing such risk is what they do. In many cases, they
    will make more money as the effects of climate change become increasingly
    visible and expensive, since they’ll simply raise premiums on everybody while
    refusing to insure the most vulnerable at any price.

    But insurance
    doesn’t work very well as an adaptation strategy
    . Policies only last for
    one year, or at most two. The insurance companies don’t need to charge higher
    rates now if they see big and nasty things happening to the global climate in
    20 years’ time—they can continue more or less as they are for the time
    being. It’s easy to forget that if you’re simply renewing an insurance policy
    every year: the existence of the insurance market gives companies a sense of
    false security that their risks are hedged.

    To put it another way, insurance is a highly
    imperfect hedge for climate change, because it can go away or rise in cost very
    suddenly. After the Bhopal disaster in 1984, pollution liability insurance
    first disappeared entirely, and then, when it came back, cost ten times as
    much. The risk of rising insurance costs—or insurance becoming impossible to
    buy at any price—is something so inherently difficult to protect against, most
    companies don’t even bother trying.

    The behavioral economist Dan Ariely, author of “Predictably
    Irrational,” likes to say that climate change is a problem that is perfectly designed to make people do
    nothing
    : It happens far in the future; its effects will be felt most
    greatly by other people; and the efforts of any one individual are minuscule.

    Companies too tend to behave in predictably
    irrational ways. Executives should try to imagine their companies 30 years down
    the line, struggling with the deleterious effects of climate change on
    profitability and corporate survival. But they don’t. That’s a job for the next
    CEO’s successor’s successor. Right now there are a million other things that seem
    much more urgent, starting with this quarter’s earnings.

    Related Links:

    Betting on change

    Will an SEC ruling convert short-term greed into long-term sustainability?

    Dems more trusted on energy than any other issue, continue pursuing polluter-friendly GOP ideas






  • Deep thoughts from founder Chip Giller

    by Chip Giller

    Every year as Earth Day approaches, there’s a moment when we here at Grist stare at each other around a conference table and say, “What the hell are we going to do this time?”

    I imagine it’s the same way the window dressers at Macy’s feel when the winter holidays are approaching. How do you make an annual event feel fresh, exciting, and fun?

    One obvious solution, of course, is profanity. Last year, our “Screw Earth Day” campaign was a wildly successful reminder that eco-awareness shouldn’t be limited to one day; this week, we’re launching the similarly sailor-worthy “Earth: FML.”

    But those are just—well, window dressing. What’s really going on at Grist is a deeper shift toward a different kind of reporting, toward a new sense of promise about this planet, its people, and its prospects.

    You see, even though there are plenty of reasons for despair these days—climate change is wreaking havoc, climate skeptics are wreaking even more havoc, and federal politicians are dragging their feet on passing meaningful legislation that would put this country on a more sustainable path—we’re also seeing plenty of reasons to get up in the morning. All across the country, communities are taking things into their own hands, finding ways to build a cleaner, healthier, smarter world.

    Much of this work is taking place in cities, which cough up an estimated 70 percent of our greenhouse-gas emissions. That makes them climate bad guys, but it also means they have enormous potential to ameliorate the mess we’re in. With a world populationd that’s increasing, and increasingly urban, cities will make or break our success as a species. By 2050, two-thirds of the world’s 9 billion people are expected to be living in urban areas. If humanity is to guide itself into a sustainable relationship with the planet, that’s the place to do it.

    The good news is, it’s happening. And not just in Portland and Seattle and Berkeley and Boston. It’s happening in Detroit, in Kansas City, in Milwaukee, in Louisville. People are banding together to bring solar power to their neighborhoods, and creating programs that provide fresh, organic food to inner-city families, and devising transportation policies that leave cars in the rearview mirror. This year, Grist will focus on the very real progress taking shape all around the country. We’ll connect the people who are making it happen, and accelerate this movement.

    And what better time to kick off this work than Earth Day? This week, we’re publishing a list of forty people who are out to save our asses, people who might not call themselves environmentalists, but who are working hard to create a more sustainable world. We’re also launching Hopensource.org, a Twitter-fed site where we invite you and everyone you know to submit tangible signs of progress. We’re ramping up our coverage of urban agriculture, energy, transportation, design, and green jobs. (Yes, they’re real!)

    We’re launching this effort because incredible work is happening right here, right now, all around us. Sustainability is not some misty notion of a down-the-road utopia. Quite the contrary: a greener world is taking shape right before our eyes. It’s good for the economy, it’s good for your family’s health, and yes, it happens to be good for the planet.

    Grist is going to document this transformation, shining our beacon in the smog on the path to a truly sustainable society and giving our readers the tools to become a part of the action. We hope you’ll join the conversation. Tell us what you’re doing, what you’re seeing, and how your community is becoming a more sustainable place to live, on Earth Day and every day.

    Just try not to swear too much, OK? That’s our job.

    Related Links:

    The Perils of ‘Green Watching’

    Obama’s Earth Day message: ‘Change won’t come from Washington alone’ [VIDEO]

    Earth Day on Every Block






  • Ask Umbra on food dehydrators, cage-free and free-range poultry, and e-readers

    by Umbra Fisk

    Send your question to Umbra!

    Q. Dear Umbra,

    I am enthusiastic
    about growing my own food in my small garden and I am looking for ways to
    preserve my produce for use out of season.

    I cook and freeze
    some things and have done some canning, but this year I thought I would make
    things easier with the tomatoes and try drying them.

    Looking into
    purchasing a dehydrator (the weather here in the Midwest doesn’t lend itself to
    sun drying) the only ones I have found so far are made of plastic. This doesn’t
    sound very healthy or helpful to me. What would you recommend?

    Many thanks,
    Judith W.
    Springfield, Ill.

    A. Dearest Judith,

    One big
    virtual scoop of compost to you (the garden equivalent of a hearty pat on the
    back, methinks) for growing your own food in any quantity and one more for making the most of your crops by
    preserving some of the bounty for later use.

    I’m personally
    a huge fan of canning. It makes me
    feel all Little House on the Prairie.
    But since you’re up for alternate methods of preservation, here’s my two cents.
    I get that sun drying may not be the best option in Springfield, Ill., but don’t
    rule out the power of the sun just yet. I found a pretty easy DIY solar food
    dehydrator how-to on ecobites.com
    , which only requires a couple of boxes, a
    pane of clear glass, some black paint, and cloth for a screen. It would save you
    buying an electric dehydrator and it would save on energy costs too. I’d also recommend
    Dry
    It—You’ll Like It
    , a great little guide to drying fruits, veggies,
    meat, and fish at home without an elaborate dehydrator set-up. (Plus, the title
    makes me giggle every time I see it.)

    That said,
    if you’d rather go the electric route, I wouldn’t worry too much about the
    leaching problem. For preserving fruits and veggies, dehydrators are generally
    set around 115 degrees, well below the temperature at which some plastics leach
    potentially harmful chemicals like BPA, so there’s not a huge risk there, especially
    with reputable models—I’ve heard good things Excalibur. (Here’s its spiel
    on the safety
    of its plastic models). Stainless steel dehydrators are another option, though they’re quite a bit pricier.
    Whichever one you choose, be a conscientious consumer and ask questions: What
    are the food-contact surfaces made of? Does the dehydrator contain BPA? Is
    there an adjustable temperature option?

    And if all
    else fails, stuff yourself silly with fresh tomatoes and can the rest.

    Dryly,
    Umbra

    Q. Dear Umbra,

    I pay a hefty
    premium for cage-free eggs, about $3.69 per dozen. I have become very skeptical
    about “green” claims by agribusiness. Exactly what do they mean by
    “cage-free”? I can’t believe Land O’Lakes has employees running around the
    chicken yard gathering eggs. Thank you.

    Judith S.
    Silver Spring, Md.

    Q. Dear Umbra,

    So I’m hearing a
    lot of companies boast about their “free-range chicken,” but someone
    told me it’s not necessarily good for you. Which is it? Thank you.

    Virgil T.
    Miami

    A. Dearest
    Judith and Virgil,

    I
    would like to be able to assure you that “cage free” and
    “free range”
    chickens are frolicking around on an open plain, but alas the
    terms mean very little. But there’s an unless, so stick with me here.

    “Cage free” means only that the hens are not housed in cages. We all know that
    the mere absence of cages does not equal free and happy chickens. Cage-free
    chickens may never even go outside.

    “Free range,” on the other hand, only applies
    to chickens that are going to be eaten. So “free-range” eggs, unless you personally
    know the producer, are probably a scam. The U.S. Department of Agriculture does
    have regulations around the term “free range” when it’s applied to chickens
    that are raised for meat. As you can see on the USDA’s Food Safety and
    Inspection Service website
    , “producers must demonstrate to the agency
    that the poultry has been allowed access to the outside” in order to use
    the free-range label. The USDA says producers must provide data and evidence
    showing that their chickens have true access, not just an open door for 45
    minutes a week or something. But the agency doesn’t conduct regular field inspections.
    Not exactly the chickens running wild that any of us were picturing.

    So what to
    do if you still want to eat chicken and eggs? Buy local, know your purveyor, and
    ask lots of questions. If they’re not able to give you the answers you want,
    then mosey along. Remember that buying locally farmed chickens and eggs will
    also cut down on transport emissions—a double bonus. So scour your neighborhood for
    local farms selling pastured poultry and eggs, or forgo them altogether.

    Cluckily,
    Umbra

    Q. Dear Umbra,

    Last week, one of
    my students gave me great praise by lauding me as “the greenest
    person” she knew. Then she told me
    how she bought a Kindle and wasn’t buying any more books.

    I couldn’t help but
    wonder if, in fact, using a Kindle or some similar device (iPad anyone?) is
    more environmentally wise or not?
    Surely, it takes a lot of energy to create, power, and dispose of such a
    device?

    Inquiring
    professors want to know! Thanks!

    Peter C.
    Macomb, Ill.

    A. Dearest
    Peter,

    Aw,
    students say the darndest things. (But is she currently failing your class?) You
    may, in fact, be the greenest person she knows. Or perhaps you’ve been ill
    recently.

    Regardless,
    as I’ve noted before, don’t
    beat yourself up if you really want to buy an e-reader. However, the New York Times recently ran a terrific
    op-chart
    (love a good op-chart) on the eco-impact of books vs. e-readers
    like the Kindle and iPad. Books came out ahead of e-readers in terms of materials
    and manufacture, with e-readers edging out books in terms of transportation. So
    how many books would you have to read on your e-reader to break even? According
    to the chart, “with respect to fossil fuels, water use and mineral consumption,
    the impact of one e-reader payback equals roughly 40 to 50 books. When it comes
    to global warming, though, it’s 100 books; with human health consequences, it’s
    somewhere in between.” Perhaps to the chagrin of publishers, authors, and
    e-reader manufacturers everywhere, I’d have to concur with the NYT chart that the most eco option is to take a walk to your local library.

    However, it
    does provide me with a keen opportunity to point out that you could amble down
    to said library (or press a bunch of buttons on your e-reader) to get the
    next Ask Umbra’s Book club selection, Diet for a Hot Planet by Anna Lappé. Our discussion kicks off May 11, so hop
    to!

    Dog-earedly,
    Umbra

    Related Links:

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